“To remember and not to forget”

“To remember and not to forget”

A message this All Hollows day

In each and every time the grim reaper took from every one a cherished being.

Be it a lover, a friend, a partner, a kindred, these beings has personalities which whether will or will not soon to be forgotten by each and every one who’ve been a part of a passed one’s life.

And it was natural and fitting to remember for its good standings, if not trying to forget in pursuit if moving on no matter how significant a person was in one’s life; but come to think of this: sometimes the more they forget the more they recall- especially in good times.

Anyway, as people visits their cherished one’s graves for lighting candles, offering flowers and prayers, enjoying snacks, and singing songs, their memories continue to be fresh in their minds and hearts, as if their presence stood alongside them. Surely, they are meant not to be forgotten.

And as time goes by, and people are trying to make good things all of their lives, perhaps may the visits of the angel of death be few and far between in every corner of the land; but when the time comes may those who are living be ready knowing that in their constant remolding, of making themselves righteous in the eyes of both man and the almighty, will grant them the promise the latter hath saidth to its desciples.

All in all, to paraphrase an ages-old statement, here it goes:

“Bones are dust,

And its good sword rust,

But the soul is with the saints, we trust.”

That’s all for now.

¿Is it really “revolutionary”?

¿Is it really “revolutionary”?

Notes on Duterte’s call for a “Revolutionary Government”

(And why people think it is unlikely)

It may sound easier to declare a "Revolutionary Government" even its obvious essence is actually isn't.

Basing on President Duterte's promises, threats, and various statements; as well as supported by the applausive statements of his supporters, that the "Revolutionary Government" of his be like a "packaged solution" to all the problems ranging from lawlessness to poverty, no matter how counterrectionary it is in its actual form.

How come it is worth describing as counterreactionary than revolutionary? Is it because of Duterte himself with his arsenic statements? His Neoliberal and militarist-inclined ministers? The system whom supported the administration since day one? The victims of extrajudicial killings?

Anyway, reality has a way of tripping people especially if eyes are shut or unaware of it.

At first, it is no sooner had the present regime would have thought or babbled much about "revolutionary government" as if an antidote to everything, or actually gone triggered by those whom opposing, obviously the reality had that regime stumbling that wasn't there: the need for domestic-based development, if not a desire for a real social change.

And in the frenzy over various system-sponsored matters, ranging from homeless taking over abandoned mass housing sites to protests against unjust jeepney phaseouts, or even extrajudicial killings and rising costs of commodities, those who favour that "revolutionary government" or any other statement coming from the order is also madly babbling against the those who expressing their discontents, that also became an instant dodo in social media sites.

But in those desperate times reality has barged into every head what the real issue is. Call it communism, socialism, or any other names easily equated to terrorism against the people or subversion against an established order, but that reality such as those of people demanding that "goddamn social change" is a response to the ever prevailing crisis a country continues to face through decades. But those who had insulted that demand by advancing so unreal such as clamouring for a so-called "revolutionary" government failed to notice that the "revolution" they desire is nothing but a counterreaction if not a reaction itself: that if they hated oligarchs so much, then how come at the same time they accommodate them so madly particularly the outsider who offered a pride-happy state exorbitant loans? Will that "revolution" a developing one the way they take pride in building roads and bridges or degenerate as people being forced to pay the loans borrowed by that "revolutionary" state through higher prices of goods and services?

Sorry to say but in spite of all the efforts, the truth everyone noticed shows that the standard bearer Duterte is no Lenin, Stalin, nor even Bonaparte or Gaddafi; for as long as he remained a lapdog of the old order who funded and benefited from some (if not most) of his policies then what kind of change he and his fanatics babbled about? The rest end gasped when reports concerning extrajudicial killings been seen throughout. What had happened to the ones swore to uphold rule of law? Quo vadis? Sprang to each and every lips. And that question continues to haunt the system not just its standard bearer who chose to vent rage using his arsenic mouth against the opposition, while mum towards the system who invested from most of his policies.

Tell the man in the street, who hath faced with high prices, less wages, and the guns of the state, that his great problem, that the real danger was those who opposed the interest-seekers in the government, or even those who demand for social change, whatever ism it may be, and he may end thinking he/she is babbling latin or greek or anything in between; if not he himself countering their statements with the fact that no reform comes from an order who failed to enact it, for the fact that the person whom they telling about is aware on what goes on around him such as scalawags killing innocents or oppositionists using the term "war on drugs".

On the other hand, if Duterte and his apologists stubbornly insisting that the "revolutionary government" they yearned badly also deals with development, of promising to fulfill people's desires for land reform, national industrialisation, and the like; but with those who hinder those desires been at the president’s side, then of what is revolutionary when reactionaries are with him? For sure they will say words like “reform” in order to make numerous and “realistic changes”, but who truly benefits from it: is it the common man or the ones who profited from the administration?

Well, sorry to them if people are increasingly skeptical about that “revolutionary government”, especially coming from a standard bearer whose crew aren’t even “revolutionary”. From the looks of Aguirre, Dominguez, Año, and Mocha Uson, perhaps will their bloodstained-profit oriented “revolution” from above worth fighting for by the millions of Filipinos desiring for change?

If that's the case, in an era where everything is as updated like this Hewlett-Packard laptop, that yearning creates a scenario that is 1973-ish, if not leading to an 1986 or 1968-like. Duterte, from at first assuming to be as "socialist" as the socialists, then unveiling his neoliberal agendas, and finally toying with dictatorship using the word "revolutionary government", made this person think that he is like any other counterreaction who, whilst trying to counter the reaction, is still upholding the order with some piecemeal "reforms" enough to call consolidation as "change".

The battle for the "King of the Road"

The battle for the "King of the Road"

(Or Will the Philippine Jeep be improved or be removed?)

At first, one would say that the so-called "King of Philippine Roads" as an iconic testaments to Filipino ingenuity, resourcefulness, and artistry. However, as time goes by, and there are those who shun an "outmoded" and inefficient mass transport, the idea to replace it altogether has been long discussed.

Driven by the idea of improving mass transport and road safety, throughts like "modernisation" hath been babbled throughout social media, and most well-earned people are agreeing to that kind of idea, although obviously it is a "correct" term referring to phasing out old, smoke-belching, unroadworthy jeeps and to make way for new versions with safer design and up-to-standard engines that emit less air pollutants.

Obviously, the idea sounds rational and worth laudable. But how come there's a stiff opposition, particularly from a majority of jeepney drivers, operators, assemblers, and even commuters alike?  

Million peso burden for the driver
(while increasing profit for the compradore)

First, in an economy that fails to generate sufficient means of employment with decent earnings that can support a family, driving a jeepney as well as any other mode of transport (like pedicabs) has become an attractive and viable option, especially for those with some savings such as overseas Filipino workers, as well as retirees who wanted to have additional income other than their pensions. 

And according to them, operating one or two passenger jeepneys is enough for an affordable micro enterprise, all in spite of problems to address like oil price hikes and taxes to pay upon. 

But, with that attempt to phase out jeepneys lies a threat of economic dislocation, knowing that thousands of drivers and operators depend on that "king of the road" for their livelihood. Good to suggest that providing them with a modern jeepney meant improvement and efficiency, but for reality's sake, very few operators will be able to raise that PhP 1.2 to PhP 1.6 million-peso investment on those new units required under the modernization program. With the added requirement of 10 units per new franchise, all the more the cost will be prohibitive for existing small-time operators, many of whom are driver-operators of single units.

For an example, from a Facebook post from Albert Yumol, he stated that the e-jeepney being promoted costs around 1.6 Million. And if the government will buy the vehicle from an average driver like "Mang Danny" for PhP 30000 and provides a subsidy of PhP 80000, the amount payable will be PhP 1.49 Million. 

With the 7-year payment plan of the government, he needs to pay around PhP 583 a day, no holidays, no sick days; while he himself has only PhP 417 to divide for the education of his four kids, for the rent, and food on their table. 

And prior to that protest, "Mang Danny", who drives a jeepney via Cubao-Remedios route, is able to do 4 rounds of the route. There he makes around PhP 2500 in it. And if to subtract the Diesel (P200 per route * 4 = P800) as well as the Boundary Fee (700), then he earns around P1000 a day, which isn't enough to support the needs of his family.

With that phase out meant to happen (and had his vehicle be replaced with another), plus rising costs of goods, will Mang Danny survive the ordeal? 

Sidelining the local
(and favouring the importer)

And also to think that most Filipino knows that the Jeepney is locally assembled, with assemblers struggled out to improve their creations particularly on the body and in the engines, the proposed jeepney modernization is rather imported if not locally assembled by , ranging from smaller-scale minubuses or multicabs either powered by electicity or with the same petrol engine as the old ones, repackaged as "improved"; and although authorities are "enticing" local assemblers to participate, its costs may be too much for them, that hence it would mean loss of earnings to local industry. 

In fact, according to Carol Araullo in her Facebook post, that the "modernisation" program was long overdue since it is matched to the government’s "Comprehensive Automotive Resurgence Strategy" (CARS) which was started during the last months of the Aquino III administration and currently pursued by president Duterte. The program aims to revitalize local car manufacturing by giving PhP 27 billion in tax credits to three selected foreign car manufacturers who will invest in assembly plants in the country. The tax incentives will be indexed on how much of the car components are sourced locally, and on the volume of cars to be produced. Two Japanese multinational firms have already been chosen, Toyota and Mitsubishi. The CARS program is expected to roll out 600,000 cars over a six-year period.

Hence, that program appears that the government is actually creating a market in the public transport sector for multinational corporations with its domestic partners currently engaged in the local assembly of foreign-branded cars and the marketing of assorted electronic gadgets; whilst sidelining local assemblers in spite of statements "encouraging" local ones to engage in the manufacture of modern vehicles including jeepneys.

The need for a genuine participation for mass transport modernisation

All in all, attempts to improve and upgrade the jeepney as a mode of transport can not be premised on destroying the livelihood of drivers and operators then leaving them and their families to somehow fend for themselves, as well as assemblers going bankrupt all because of sudden imports. 

Improvement as it appears to be, but reality shows that it is more of a phase out with a limited space for those who can afford in those "modern vehicles", and Whereas the present administration is trying to be inclusive, why on earth to limit inclusiveness to those who are interest-seeking? Thinking that numerous foreign-sounding names are willing to back that program while sidelining the local ones wanting to participate in the process for improving their existences. 

And contrary to those who are trying to distort the message of those opposing the "modernisation", its not about retaining the old jeep itself but rather the desire for genuine participation of various sectors in resolving problems surrounding mass transportation and its means to improve it. The problem lies in the system who rather impose something with apologists starting to babble their "basis" in various ways as if they represent the commoners regardless of its negative effects like bigwigs over smallholders as manufacturers, of rising costs and fares affecting the operators, drivers and commuters, and various bullshits that affected the driver, the operator, the commuter, the assembler, and the community in general.

If there is an apathetic to justify the need for phaseouts be it jeepneys or even buses and taxis, probably the intent is not to improve mass transporation but to keep the roads for themselves "in the name of freedom". Do you think they will keep mass transport like jeeps, buses, taxis, UV expresses? Western-style individualism has been bannered throughout as a frank response to the transportation issue, while some who assuming to be concerned tries to justify statements from the authorities the way James Deakin did. But in spite of that, their indifference rather prevails than their semblance of concern trying to appear as such. 

Again, watching "Bar Boys" (and enjoying it)

Again, watching "Bar Boys" (and enjoying it)

(Or how this person watched that movie for the second time after work)

Source: BarBoys Facebook page

Few months after watching that movie somewhere in Cubao, this writer is again watched that 80s-esque movie in a contemporary setting, and this time in UP Film Institute's Cine Adarna at the University of the Philippines in Diliman.

Described by this writer as Bernal-like, Giosiengfiao, or even Brocka-esque from his earlier review, "Bar Boys" showed the life and labours of three men (that supposed to be four if not for one of them who flunked), mainly bonded by computer games, end passed law school and endure 4 years of law school life wherein studying habits, joining in a fraternity for connections, relationship struggles, financial matters, terror professors, and various forms of sacrifices hath been the issues that both hinders and strengthens the friendship of three (or four) men; and still end succeeded in their fields as lawyers (and a model).

Source: Karen Mae Testibia

Still nice as expected, and like any other showing, the movie, in spite of being "indie" hath been increasingly appreciated by many, especially teeners who haven't watched during the "Filipino Film Fiesta", as well as those who did watched before and chose to repeat it (like yours truly).

And as expected, most of them did somehow enjoyed or getting concerned especially in scenes deemed humorous or controversial in nature. Be it the professor's queerness towards Erik (played by Carlo Aquino), or Erik's father (played by Rener Concepcion) who end selling his kidney in order to have his son succeed in law school and become a lawyer. 

Furthermore, they sought how the treatment of its interesting topic that carried some light-heartedness and optimism, enough to inspire each and every young (and young at heart) to pursue something they desired for, be it Law, Medicine, or any other course (and be end as professionals).

And as for yours truly, here's a part from Fred Hawson's movie review made months ago for an advise/suggestion to youngsters (and youngsters at heart):

"If you want to study in law school, you should watch this first before you apply. Will you be ready to photocopy thick tomes for required readings, and actually commit them to memory? Will you be ready to handle spontaneous recitation sessions right on the first day of class? Will you be ready to argue with the answers of your classmates and rate their performance? Will you be ready to sacrifice all your interpersonal relationships at least until you graduate and pass the bar? This film tells you what to expect, and warns you ahead of time."

Or in other words: watch that movie (as well as other "better" shows) than getting contented in some trashy or cringy ones. 

That's all for now.

Shining over Mega Manila

Shining over Mega Manila

(Or "Again, featuring the Red Star and the Black Sun combined 

shining brightly over Manila")

"You may say that we want to move forward by reaching the stars, But in reality, we move forward by going deeper into the abyss."           

This may be the words this person remembered as he edited, or rather say "distorted" the entire urban landscape. For he, driven by what he read, what he seen, and the music he listened, it seems that he invoked something that can be described as nihilistic or revolutionary, as it disrupts or subverts the setting the system trying to invoke as "progress."                

For it all started in a typical working day, when this person was constantly having several tasks such as writing, reading some articles online, and looking at the pictures both from past and present. Few people were at the office, one of them as busily preparing papers, while others just browsing some articles in their gadgets, or simply sat down and burning time. Near where this person works, and books such as those made by Miguel Coronel been left untouched in its shelf.

But hunger pangs made this person eating outside work. But before that, he looked at buildings that created an impression of a thriving metropolis: some were as old as reinforced concrete, others were glass and steel, all invoking "progress" according to the decade when it was built; while from the music being played through his cellular phone were those of Neofolk, Industrial music, and even New Retro "Alt Righters" described it as "Fashwave".

And at "Urban Hive" where he was eating his usual meal of breaded fish fillet, he continued reading, browsing notes, and merging thoughts that invokes something that seemed to be "revolting against the decadent" setting: ranging from articles from an old zine "Death to the World" to those of writeups related to the Cultural Revolution, Proletkult, and Eduard Limonov; of Historical scenes and Science Fiction, as well as old yet remarkable architecture particularly those of factories and other various edifices be it as old as reinforced concrete to those of steel and glass dominating the urban skyline of Mega Manila.
Those writeups, pictures, observations, anything "countercultural" to think of makes one compelling to distort: of giving blood-like colours as it invokes what he tries to convey such as a future different from what the system tends to show, plus a black sun embedded in the red star shining in its skies.

Besides "distorting" scenes with bloodied skies and featuring a merged symbol of sorts, he researched what goes behind those symbols and its significance, or perhaps notoriety given its relation to both political or religious movements around the world.

For as according to Wikipedia, the Black Sun apart was interpreted as "the strongest and most visible expression of god", with its 12 rays emanating as significant for it represents "the things of the target and the completion".
Yet to cite Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke about the Schwarze Sonne (its German name), he explained that:

"this twelve-spoke sun wheel derives from decorative disks of the Merovingians of the early medieval period and are supposed to represent the visible sun or its passage through the months of the year."

Furthermore, the bent nature of the ray was likely important because each ray represented the Germanic Sowilō (ᛋ) rune of the Elder Futhark, which represented the sun.

However, that symbol that shone within that dark, ambient, concrete setting has been synonymous to Germanic Neopaganism, and in Irminenschaft or Armanenschaft-inspired esotericism to those of Neo-Nazis spewing some pagan symbolism as if as theirs.

On the other hand, the Red star that surrounds the Black sun consists of five points as representing the five fingers of the worker's hand, the five continents, or the ability of the will to control the elements. In that sense it may also represents the power of the lower-self - that those of the human will.

Furthermore, that five pointed star was also used in early Christianity as symbol for the five senses, if not the five wounds of Christ.

And from that merged symbol, all in spite of its different leanings, casts its light, rays from darkness, invoking wisdom and of power to destroy and recreate. Sorry if the writer expressed further as in his earlier posts related to the merging of the Roter Stern and of the Schwarze Sonne, knowing that 

However, the difference from its original post featuring that symbol is that it features the runes Algiz (ᛉ), as well as its inverted version Yr (ᛦ) in the points of the Red Star; giving an impression that the star as spinning like a wheel of both life and death, of creation and destruction, as it shines its blood red "light" over a "modern world" in a form of a "jammed" pictures from Ortigas.

Furthermore, there are no words to describe as this person rather focused on "distorting" the scene with a dark red sky with a star shining over it. Besides that, this person sees that the present setting, in spite of its modern appearance, tries to hid its age old rottenness people yearned to expose and destroy as such.

For him maybe he thinks with that star it glows bright and at the same time making everyone urges to seek the truth and bring hope not by aiming at the heights but to swarm through the abyss. That abyss may not be hell but reality that is destitute enough to become degenerate even it is "well-hidden" by modernity. The poor, the repressed, the dispossessed, they sought the star as the hope that brings as it struggles against the order that represses them; if not trying to forge a society that is borne out of a vision.

"The task was superhuman: of bringing order out of the economic chaos"

"The task was superhuman:

of bringing order out of the economic chaos"

Writeup in commemoration of the Great Socialist October Revolution
 regarding the development of the Soviet Economy in its first few years
towards the implementation of the First Five-year plan

Admittingly speaking, it seems that based from old pictures and movies concerned, it shows that the earlier years of the Soviet Union meant restoring stability, creating a new order, as well as consolidating it further with developments "better" than its tsarist predecessor.

With its numerous projects, long term agendas, and means all in pursuit of surpassing capitalism and being an inspiration to the repressed peoples, the Soviet Union, in spite of its probems and shortcomings, and even its eventual demise in 1991 will always be an example of how a socialist country acted both pragmatically and idealistically in pursuit of "making an another world possible."

For sure not all would agree on that statement especially to those who unjustly equate socialism, or even communism to those of chaos and systematic disorder; but, come to think that the Soviet Union and other socialist countries stubbornly pursuing its goal of building a future far from capitalism, it also shows that how the power of an organised community, forged by a common vision and program, can beat the old order in spite of the latter's attempts to undermine its efforts be it martial or economic means.

That also somehow showed how class struggles can also be in a form of proletarian countries fighting against its plutocratic counterparts.

At first, one would think during those times that the political structure during the earlier days of the Soviet Union was considered temporary, as if like a scaffolding around a building that was preliminary to the erection of a permanent structure. Quite "weak" in its setting, and in it it requires to be stabilised as possible; and in spite that there were reports stated that those who studied Bolshevism under Lenin as being described as more than that a group of murderers, thieves, and bandits, Lenin, as well as the Bolshevik's view and its application of Marxism in a Russian setting worked out in much detail, with an organisation so quickly applicable and as others described, forcefully applied when the opportunity came that creates a control they has crystallised into something much more "permanent".

And in it one of the first difficulties encountered by the Bolsheviks in their consolidation was an economy whose tendency amongst producers to run their affairs solely without considering people's interests. Thus, the need for correlation and interlocking of industries was imperative and necessary.

To achieve the need for correlation, a need for a "Supreme Soviet of the National Economy" or Veshenka has to be created. According to an Asia Magazine article made by Wilfred Humphries last January 1918, that Veshenka started from a few representatives coming from the industrial unions, shop stewards committees, and technical experts, together met in a building overlooking the Neva. There numerous concerns like famine, lack of raw materials, sabotage, crippled railroads, counterrevolution and imminent invasions, made them compel to take the task of setting the foundations of a new economy under socialism.

Also by the thought of exploring and developing the forests from the north, the fisheries of Russia's seas, the oilfields of the Caucasus, the iron, copper, and gold mines of the Urals, and the existing railroads and bridges to repair and new ones to be built, such numerous concerns made then felt that the task was superhuman: "of bringing order out of the economic chaos."

However, Five months after its initial foundation, an all Russian conference of the newly-formed regional economic councils was organised, this time through a decree coming from the Council of People's Commissars (Sovnarkom) and from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic. In it, the Veshenka had become an institution serving as a center of the new economic life of the soviets. Its stated purpose was to "plan for the organization of the economic life of the country and the financial resources of the government", and was subordinated to the Sovnarkom with a representative that also served as a commissar of that said "ministry". And in it had rights of confiscation and expropriation of assets, particularly those from the enemy.

Due to its important role in administering the economy, the Vesenkha, along with the Sovnarkom, was being prominent as a political body, and was struggling to preserve the existence of the socialist state and of the revolution from its enemies, or as what Philips Price well puts it:

"The supreme council of public economy was the tool designed to create the new order in Russia; the Soviet was only the temporary weapon to protect the hands that worked that tool."

True indeed, but that Soviet, being a form of a collective practising direct democracy, turns out to be the permanent weapon to defend against the enemies of socialism, and a tool to build the country towards its socialist future. Sounds idealistic it may be, but Capitalists around the world were surprised in the sudden developments of the young Socialist state; that shows that contrary to what the article from Asia Magazine stated that the soviet order as a temporary scaffold, nope, it rather became a foundation to create an order far from what capitalists and reactionaries expected as "weak" and "likely to crumble." in fact, from that Soviet sprang an army sworn to defend and to build, creating examples to the struggling nations especially those from the third world.

There were numerous plans the Soviet Union did in its earliest days, some of which were agreeable, others were worth opposing. The War Communism policy for instance, was made in pursuit of stressing order as much as possible and at the same time trying to set foundations, all as if encountering birth pains that requires control. And such arduous task was superhuman enough for a single entity but the unity brought about by the worker and the peasant has brought numerous results ranging from defence, production, distribution, and other numerous developments that requires intervention. The Vezhenka's (as well as the Sovnarkom's) surgical action meant consolidation: it had to confiscate assets from the enemies of the revolution, taking take possession of goods coming from the peasants, enforcing order in the industrial bases to the point that it had been military-like, and ensure the needs of the workers with necessary goods; critics may insist that the policy was unjust if not full of flaws, but that task was superhuman enough especially in those times of war against the enemies of the revolution, who again thinks that their society be end crumbled and destroyed as what happened in Paris several decades ago.

But in speaking of that flaws, these were recognised knowing that in spite of trying to enforce order it alienated those who are meant to support with: peasants, and some of the workers as well as the military. Lenin saw that policy as much as possible "temporary" and meant to be shelved over as much as possible. for as according to the statement recognising the need for a "New Economic Policy" (NEP) and the need to reestablish relations with the peasantry:

"Up to now we have been adapting ourselves to the tasks of war; we must now adapt ourselves to the conditions of peace. The Central Committee is faced with this task - the task of switching to the tax in kind in conditions of proletarian power ... With the Civil War on, we had to adopt war-time measures. But it would be a very great mistake indeed if we drew the conclusion that these are the only measures and relations possible. That would surely lead to the collapse of the Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat ... We must recognise the need to grant concessions, and purchase machinery and equipment to satisfy agriculture, so as to exchange them for grain and re-establish relations between the proletariat and the peasants which will enable it to exist in peacetime conditions."

Lenin as well as the entire Soviet authority even had to deal realistically and critically especially with the capitalists as part of the country's minimal improvements. The dictum "We are taking one step backward, to take two steps forward later" did showed a pragmatic move as necessary than pursuing literally a goal that may rather lead to failure. For as what he said:

"...tasks on the economic front are much more difficult than tasks on the war front, although there is a general similarity between the two elementary outlines of strategy. In attempting to go over straight to communism we, in the spring of 1921, sustained a more serious defeat on the economic front than any defeat inflicted upon us by Kolchak, Denikin or Pilsudski. This defeat was much more serious, significant and dangerous."

Such impressions hath pulled over the young Socialist state from the ashes of war and towards an era of development.  There it removed social tension, strengthening the social base of Soviet power in the form of an alliance of workers and peasants as part of consolidating proletarian power; whilst its economic goal was to prevent further aggravation of the devastation, getting of the crisis and to restore the economy; and its social goal was to provide favorable conditions all prior to building a socialist society, without waiting for a world revolution. In addition, the policy was aimed at restoring normal foreign policy ties especially in non-socialist countries and to overcome international isolation.

All in all, that temporary policy was indeed "temporary" in spite of its numerous achievements. Basing on scenes from an old movie entitled "The Sixth Part of the World" by Dziga Vertov, the New Economic Policy invoked numerous developments as it tries to struggle against capitalism while at the same time accomodating some aspects from capitalism: but regulated and controlled by the state.

In regards to Agriculture and of the status of the peasantry, agricultural production increased greatly, but instead of the government taking all agricultural surpluses with no compensation as in the case of "War Communism", farmers, while paying a "Food Tax", now had the option to sell some of their produce, giving them a personal economic incentive to produce more grain. This incentive, coupled with the breakup of the quasi-feudal landed estates, surpassed pre-Revolution agricultural production.
However, as production increases, peasants, particularly Kulaks (Rich Peasants), began withholding their surpluses in wait for higher prices, or sold them to "NEPmen" (traders and middle-men) who re-sold them at high prices. Many Communist Party members considered this an exploitation of urban consumers. To lower the price of consumer goods, the state took measures to decrease inflation and enact reforms on the internal practices of the factories. The government also fixed prices, in an attempt to halt the scissor effect*.

In regards to Industry, trusts were created, in a form of associations of homogeneous or interconnected enterprises, which received full economic and financial independence, up to the right to issue long-term bonded loans. The trusts themselves decided what to produce and where to sell the products. The enterprises that were part of the trust were removed from the state supply and switched to purchasing resources in the market. Syndicates were also formed as voluntary associations of trusts on the basis of cooperation , engaged in sales, supply, lending, and foreign trade operations. And finished products, purchase of raw materials, materials, equipment was carried out in a full-fledged market, through wholesale trade channels. There was a wide network of commodity exchanges, fairs, trade enterprises.
But one of the significant parts of the policy was when foreign capitalist entities engaged through agreements. For example, the Ford Motor Company contributed in the development of USSR by allowing AMTORG (a purchasing company connected to Vezhenka) to purchase 20,000 Fordson tractors and enter joint partnerships with the young Socialist state in manufacturing automobiles and tractors. However, Ford, as what Douglas Brinkley writes in “Wheels for the World,” firmly believed that in introducing capitalism lies the best way to undermine communism.

But again, the "New Economic Policy" cannot be considered permanent. Even Lenin himself knew that the policy was a strategic retreat and it had to be replaced afterwards as the Soviet Union becomes a full-pledged socialist state. Numerous problems did occurred, and some became a factor to have the policy be replaced altogether with an agenda truly geared towards Socialism.

It was also during the NEP when Trotsky, supported by left-wing members of the Communist Party, believed that socialism in Russia would only survive if the state controlled the allocation of all output. He also believed that the state should repossess all output to invest in capital formation. On the other hand, Stalin supported the more conservative members of the Communist Party and advocated for a state-run capitalist economy. Stalin managed to wrest control of the Communist Party from Trotsky. After defeating the Trotsky faction, Stalin reversed his initial opinions about economic policy and implemented the First Five-Year Plan as part of completing the transition towards Socialism (that involved state control and collectivisation of agriculture).

Since the second half of the 1920s, the first attempts to curtail the NEP began. Syndicates were eliminated in industry, from which private capital was administratively squeezed out, a rigid centralized system for managing the economy was created. The failure of state grain procurements at the end of 1927 did also contributed to the stoppage of the policy. And at the end of December, measures for the forcible seizure of grain stocks were applied to the Kulaks for the first time after the end of "war communism". In the summer of 1928 they were temporarily suspended, but then resumed in the autumn of the same year.

In October 1928, the first five-year plan for the development of the national economy was launched, and the country's leadership took a course toward accelerated industrialization and collectivization. Legally and finally, the New Economic Policy was terminated only on October 11, 1931, when it was adopted a resolution on the complete prohibition of private trade in the USSR. And in 1932, the Vesenkha, originally served as a council overseeing the economy, was reorganized into three people's Commissariats: of the heavy industry, light industry, and forestry. 

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All in all, from its almost disorganised beginnings, the Soviet Union did tried its best to bring order out of chaos. War Communism meant the consolidation and means to put order in preparation for socialism while the New Economic Policy meant stabilisation with its well-built foundations served enough as a basis to make the young Soviet Union a Socialist state with its first five-year and succeeding plans. 

Admittingly speaking, in looking at movies showing production and progress in that young Socialist state meant serious efforts in steering further development even it requires minimal support from capitalist countries like Germany or the United States. Companies like Ford or Buick may think that through Capitalism may undermine Communism, but instead it helped in developing further the Soviet automotive industry from its small-scale pasts; and with people's will and vision numerous hydroelectric facilities like those in Dnipropetrovsk provided further electricity in rural and urban enclaves as part of its electrification agenda; while factories like in Magnitogorsk showcased production of steel making the country as one of the biggest iron and steel producers. 

Yet still it did not undermine their aspiration to overturn the Capitalist order. Time and again the so-called "free world" underestimated the Soviet Union (and by extension, the Eastern Bloc) due to its endeavour to pursue its socialistic goal, they even called numerous programs as utopic no matter how the Soviet worker, both in the factory and in the field, succeeds in its tasks the way its statement saidth that "The plan is the law, fulfillment is duty, and over-fulfillment is honor!"
"Superhuman" indeed with all its enormous tasks and requires stronger will, but with those successes, showed how a once-backward, peasant-oriented country did steered to greater heights as part of the working class's continuous struggle; if not how the world sees how Post-Soviet Russia became as of today.

*This fall in prices of agricultural goods and sharp rise in prices of industrial products was known as the Scissors Crisis (due to the crossing of graphs of the prices of the two types of product)