"When book censors using dialogue to justify their impunity"

"When book censors using dialogue with the university
 to justify their impunity"

(Or: "thoughts after the recent dialogue between NTF-ELCAC
and the UP Visayas administration")

This note expresses concern as recent news about  the University of the Philippines- Visayas (UPV) administration was hosting a dialogue with the regional branch of the National Task-Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) through NICA Regional Director Ana Liza Umpar at the university’s Miag-ao campus last October 29, 2021. This dialogue, made days after an earlier statement "not handing over books" to the NTF-ELCAC, justified the talks as an "opportunity to exchange ideas and promote freedom of expression."

Quite reasonable at first for UPV Chancellor Clement Camposano to justify such words, as he hosted the NTF-ELCAC "in the spirit of dialogue." However, knowing the nature of the group as known for its rabid anti-leftist sentiment, it is not surprising that they take the talks as an opportunity to defend their idol not just from the left but also from the opposition in general in the face of controversies surrounding him; if not asking the UP administration to retract from its initial statement.

And in speaking of universities "handing over their books" to the NTF-ELCAC, one university in Cordillera justified this as their "moral consciousness not to allow youth to be engrained with peace-detrimental ideologies", if not in Aklan that "academic freedom as always subject to control and supervision by the state." Ridiculous isn't it- especially that they claim to be uphelding academic freedom and democracy while condoning book censorship under the Duterte administration, which he compared to state forces repressing feelings and ideas that are not acceptable to those in power. But administrators in UP Visayas will say that they allow them "in the spirit of academic freedom" to come and make their stand even most would describe that dialogue as a retreat from its initial statement, no matter how it tries to maintain some critical stance over the matter. 

Worse, to hear a statement from the Chairperson of the Commission on Higher Education J. Prospero de Vera III telling that "It would be best for the Chancellor of UP Diliman and their officials to be more prudent, circumspect, respectful, and discerning in issuing statement especially involving the exercise of academic freedom of other higher education institutions." Sorry for his thought but by telling UP Diliman officials "should respect how other higher education institutions run their campuses amid the decision to remove 'subversive' from their libraries" he seems to be condoning witch hunts and book burnings reminiscent of Nazi Germany to that of the former "Committee on Un-Filipino Activities" that targeted professionals especially in the academe. Will the Philippines' premier "national university" simply sit down and relax for this? After books, what's next? The persons who happened to be against Duterte and his camarilla within the academe? It did happen during the time of Prof. Ricardo Pascual in the mid-50s, and this may also happen in the present. 

So much for claiming to be they're defending democracy from the scourge of subversion, when in fact these orderists produced subversives in various forms. If not for the pandemic hard protests would happen anytime in the streets of Metro Manila all because of an incompetent boss-chief who tolerated corruption and impunity while claiming about "order" and "integrity". Of course, that boss and his apologists will use the subversion or rebellion card to justify their actions, including that of confiscating "subversive books" and claiming "they're saving children from the clutches of subversion and rebellion" despite horrid realities forced the poor and the young to fight and take arms in various forms.
And wouldn't be surprised that just "to clarify it all", that the vague term 'State Colleges and Universities' may end be replaced by a much clearer term: "Government-Owned and Controlled Higher Education Institutions" straight from the orderist's mouth, making it frank that those who studied in government-paid schools should be at the service of those who run the state's affairs, with academic freedom as any other constitutional right be controlled and regulated by authorities even it appears to be repressive.

"Of 'Goons' rather than 'Ghosts': Halloween over Manila"

"Of 'Goons' rather than 'Ghosts': Halloween over Manila"

As the night grows near over 'tis I recall dear

The time old folks remember the day both liked and feared

Calling upon the ancestors whose stories told

That end as legends old books as called

Strange as one may think as the bonfire lit

Followed by spells, incantations for this sacred meet

O'er the sacred fire, feast and celebrate

The new dawn as everyone awaits

With kids enjoying sweets after trick or treats

And jack o' lanterns glowing outside after a backyard feat

The moon glows so full as the owls hoot

If not seeing trees bearing ripening fruit

The magic of love resonates as couples together

Once creating sparks now casts a single power

Triumphs over fear and that of sorrow

As from this eve make way to a once-tomorrow

However the actual horror is not of ghosts

But rather of the order and its ghastly hosts

Exploiting thy home and those of the others

Reminiscent of nightmares that our sleeps bother

The attack dogs in uniforms and thieves in garb

Hamletted our villages with walls barb'd

The nation at hell- for sure the order can't tell

For it's hidden behind the beauty steered by their spell

If not the thieves this time in suit
Stealing every fruit, work, and leaving us like shit
Distorting the law by circumventing the article
To justify their trick as if making them unstoppable
As if they're concerned when in fact they are not
Even invoking the almighty even their hearts rot
Especially in facing the folk this time had enough of their spell
As their hearts hardened wiling to rebel

Quite true those horrors as seen in the newspapers

All made by ghouls whose reality they're attack dogs of the order

Some years ago we heard news about a young lad Kian

Who died accused of a crime, shot as he ran

Followed by another- this time about collateral damages

Justified by those uniformed living garbage

If not in the countryside whose just calls end silenced

By the bullets, and statements of the order's violence

But I know that the curse goons presented cannot last

For the folk now risen wanted to break the enforced past

Neither "hell" nor their "heaven" will vanquish the oppressed

Folks had enough of being subjugated, minds repressed

Expect fire and blood to exorcise the nation's soul

As the folk uprise till the rotten order’s fall

Like the old who said "there be dragons"

Yes, but this time of armed masses with cannons!

Pardon if my poem sounds political

Despite celebrating the day that's macabre and mystical

Especially as the moon shines so bright

Shattering the darkness that made the day blight

Perhaps the anger of the folk is what the order feared

Especially after decades being repressed, subjugated, or sneered

Not surprised as they all rise with torches, pitchforks, guns

Willing to burn tyrants at the stake till their souls gone!

No matter what most belittle this

Some if not few would surely miss

For on this day lies joy, and strength renew

'gainst the times of disquiet quite so true

I hope folks who passed, fallen guide my way

In every trials set day by day

For through their wisdom it gives enough light

In a time when darkness prevails, and tyrants fright.

“Still, the ghosts of victims kept haunting him”

“Still, the ghosts of victims kept haunting him”

Regardless of what his apologists deny or justify the result of his actions, particularly that of harassments, threats, and killings, it seems that the "change" that once promised in 2016 is but of blood and bullets. 

For many years past since "democracy" was restored in the country, the Duterte administration has left a legacy that outweighs those of his achievements: that of his drug war, his "war on terror", and that of his half-hearted response to this COVID19 pandemic. This may sound "political" especially when the folk are deeply affected by these problems, what more on the treatment brought by the state: that of fear than of hope, especially those who had enough of the cycle of poverty be it those from the shantytown to that of the countryside enslaved by local rural despotism. What more with the coming into effect of various unjust actions like "Tokhang" or "Double Barrel", to that of a controversial anti-terror law and the formation of a "task force" against the growing left-wing movement; and all these has brought back ghosts of Ferdinand Marcos' martial law (1972-81), especially when dissent was punished and silenced by force.

From these situations it wouldn't be surprised that this may continue. Especially when there's failure to strengthen democratic and republican traditions in the country, and with elected leaders with its allies as shamelessly transgressing justice and the rule of law as it tilts balance of power all to favor those from the executive branch. 

And in the case of Duterte, his apologists even justify it by claiming "they are for human lives", that his actions as a necessary measure, that "fear" is necessary to create order, or worse, provoking threats on those who disagree with their idol's view of "justice." They would even downplay innocents killed by the order, if not sharing the same thought of Dela Rosa that "shit happens" when it comes to operations against crime. "Human Rights"? It becomes a taboo issue for them if not claiming it as "coddling rebels and drug addicts" alike.
And to claim they're for human lives? Bullshit!  Even Duterte himself orders Dela Rosa to blame him for the drug war that caused both innocent and those falsely accused. Will people just accept it? Unless that person is a remorseless fanatic, expect the concerned seriously disagree that kind of narrative the administration is peddling to the folk. 

To cut this thought short, regardless of what apologists may insist, the ghosts of his victims continue to haunt him and even his camarilla. Not surprising especially that as calls for investigations resonate, Duterte's silence over the issue is itself an acquiescence of ICC's Bensouda's urging guised as self-denial if not remorseless over his actions. And since that the country has a "functioning judicial system and a vibrant democracy", then ask those who were imprisoned or killed due to false charges brought by some overzealous policemen claiming to be "for order and the rule of law" even it becomes contrary to it; what more of the arrests led by some judge who issues warrants simply because they are "subversives" in the eyes of the present administration and thus requires some basis to justify it no matter it is trumped-up nor its evidences as planted to justify further. 

***

Pardon if the title tends to be of a ghoulish nature, but for those victims of extrajudicial killings, of collateral damages, of falsely accused, and being planted by some "evidences", such actions created ghosts that haunts a regime that uses "justice" in its distorted form for their own interests. 

"All for Land, Bread, and Justice!"

"All for Land, Bread, and Justice!"

It is not surprising that while the government recognises highest poverty incidence in poor-stricken farmers and fisherfolks, they downplay if not deny the cry of these toiling masses but instead silencing them.

In fact, for many years, Filipino farmers considered October as "peasant month", with protests culminating every 21st, this event marks the recognition of farmers who also serves as the backbone of the National Economy. 

However, despite recognising by succeeding administrations the hard work of the Filipino farmer, most remain landless. Its agrarian reform programs all from past to present failed to address landlessness but rather facilitated the reconcentration of agricultural land to landlords in connivance with corrupt bureaucrats and even multinational agribusiness conglomerates, what more reclassifying if not changing crops from local needs to that of what international market demands. 

What more that in this COVID19 pandemic, this time demanding for greater subsidy and necessary support for as these farmers, fisherfolks, and their families have been also affected by this pandemic problem, coupled by limited movement  and even harassment by authorities, hence hindering their work. 

And now as these peasant folks marching towards Mendiola, all despite seeing riot police and other security forces with high-powered firearms waiting for them, these peasant folks still continue to demand for land, bread, and justice.

***

Also within this peasant month includes an international event. That last October 16 this event commemorated the founding of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and is known as the "World Food Day", with people around the world come together declaring their commitment to eradicate hunger in lifetime. "Because when it comes to hunger, the only acceptable number in the world is zero" as what the statement goes.
Quite optimistic as the world promises to eradicate hunger- all despite the problems hindering food security and sovereignty ranging from unjust policies to that of climate change. But in case of the Filipinos, the right for food, like the right for livelihood, seems to be not prioritised by the order, if not making everyone concerned thinking "should food be meant to sustain the nation or by simply exporting it?" Pardon for the thought especially when big agribusiness conglomerates produce food meant for export like pineapples to that of sugar, while smallholders burdened with taxes, rent,  while having low income brought by the government's reliance on foodstuff importation. Isn't it that ridiculous that the order promises to eradicate hunger, yet those who create food rather treated as showoffs.

In fact, few days ago, this writer read an article that Agriculture Secretary William Dar underscores the importance of growing, sustaining, and nourishing together especially that of the poor being the most vulnerable sector towards hunger and malnutrition. He even announced that a new program on food was approved by the Inter Agency Task Force Against COVID19 to address issues related to the hunger problem. Even mentioned that he has already instructed the re-alignment of programs under the National Rice Program and the Philippine Rice Research Center to address the emerging rice requirement of the people. 
But from his message he emphasized that importation will be a last resort to support the department’s goal of achieving food sufficiency level for all commodities- way contrary that of the administration's action via the rice tariffication law that flooded cheap imported rice making farmers earning low income! What a contradiction as a concerned would say, especially that farmers and fisherfolks affected by this liberalisation protested against the laws that hinders self-sufficiency, food security, and sovereignty.

***

Ironically, farmers and fisherfolks did vote for Duterte being a provinceman and thus likely to address their concerns; last 2016 he appointed Rafael Mariano as Agrarian Reform Secretary, whose serious approach to Agrarian Reform earned support from the peasants and created ire from the landlords who, in connivance with bureaucrats, ousted him along with other concerned members of the cabinet. It is not surprising, for the fact that agrarian reform in the Philippines was driven by the thought of shutting the poor folk up from expressing dissent; and still these folks continue to march and express their grievances as these rural despots consolidating their interests becoming agrarian reform that of a ruse. For Duterte's followers would say "he tries to make his best" in addressing the peasant problem, that he ordered the current secretary to "implement agrarian reform" and that includes "going down to meet the farmers." But sadly, he's the same Duterte who rather support the landlord, the agribusiness conglomerate, and the scrupulous trader as laws like the Rice Tariffication Law and other decrees calling for low tariffs on meat and fish will not bring down the prices of rice and other foodstuffs but also endanger the country’s food security.

And to think that the agrarian reform under Duterte exists, then how come in Central Luzon alone, thousands of hectares of land are converted to pave way for Duterte’s Build, Build, Build projects, mining operations, and other so-called development projects. The Aerotropolis project of San Miguel affected fisherfolks as their source of livelihood end to be filled with earth for an airport! Worse, to hear reports like landgrabbing and land-use conversion all in the name of "development" that's brought under the current administration? Not surprising that these farmers who once snared by Duterte's message end realised he's same as that of his predecessors: that they use agrarian reform to silence than to empower the farmer and its community. 

And in speaking of "silencing", it is the same Duterte whose counterinsurgency programs sow fear and terror, especially with that of successive and rampant killings of peasants, forced and fake surrenders, illegal arrests and imprisonment of leaders and members of peasant organizations and bombing of communities. And these justified under  Memorandum Order No. 32 in Negros Island, Samar and Bicol together with Executive Order No. 70 (establishing the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict or NTF-ELCAC).

From their actions, what more of its justifications would say that the administration's treatment of dissent especially from the toiling masses is that of a crime against the state, and the action taken justifies the thought that his attack dogs also serve as protector and goons of the ruling order: that of despotic landlords, compradores, and bureaucrats who use state terror to justify landgrabbing to that of development aggression. Apologists would still strongly deny this as they instead insist those who killed as either rebels themselves, being killed by the rebels, or worse, collateral damage. 

***

Perhaps, no matter how the order downplays the plight of Filipino farmers and fisherfolks or gaslights them because of their just calls, these affected folks will never yield to their whims. True it may be that the order recognises poverty incidence in poor-stricken farmers and fisherfolks, but since policies continue to wallow the toiling masses to its poverty, then it's bullshit. No wonder right was Amihan's Zenaida Soriano, from a 2018 peasant month article by Bulatlat that "President Rodrigo Duterte has no agrarian reform agenda" since the last reform program bill from the past administration was expired, and yet "Land distribution won't stop" as what authorities trying to insist, only rather end bent its objectives in favour of those trying to upheld their interests, what more that other laws are trying to deprive their livelihood, and in extension, the nation's food security and sovereignty. 

"When Farmers, Fisherfolks demand Agricultural Sustainability, not flooding cheap imported foodstuffs"

"When Farmers, Fisherfolks demand Agricultural Sustainability,
not flooding cheap imported foodstuffs"

(Or "thoughts after World Food Day
and why farmers and fisherfolks protest
for food security and social justice”)

"Even if food is available, but the resources to buy basic essentials are limited, it will be a problem." These were the words Agriculture Secretary William Dar said in his World Food Day message last October 13 as he explained underscoring the importance of growing, sustaining, and nourishing together, particularly with the poor as a most vulnerable sector towards hunger and malnutrition. This statement is somehow true, especially in a time people are largely affected by the COVID19 pandemic, most of them end unemployed, depending on government subsidies, and facing the difficulty of price hikes especially that of basic necessities like food and utilities.
Including in his statement he announced that the Inter-Agency Task Force has already approved a new program that will address hunger and malnutrition, even mentioned that he has instructed the re-alignment of programs under the National Rice Program and the Philippine Rice Research Center to address the emerging rice requirement of the people.

Quite optimistic isn't it? Especially that Dar's program called "plant plant plant" and his "new thinking in agriculture" are attempts to revive if not to bolster local agricultural productivity especially in this time of pandemic. But sometimes it is wondering if these did truly benefit the farmers and fisherfolks, especially in a time when unjust laws like the "Rice Tariffication Law" and other liberalisation laws on foodstuffs affect their livelihood aside from the cycle of exploitation brought by scrupulous middlemen and traders, if not that of developers who are hunger for taking over their sources of livelihood and compromising local food productivity.

Ironically, Secretary Dar thanked them for sustaining Philippine agriculture and making food supply adequate amid the pandemic.

On the other hand, farmers and fisherfolks led by Amihan National Federation of Peasant Women, fisherfolks group PAMALAKAYA, and Bantay Bigas protested at Nepa Q-Mart in Quezon City last October 16,  dubbing the event as "World Hunger Day." This action was also part of "World Hunger Day Global Action", an international day of protest led by the group People's Coalition for Food Sovereignty. And their demand is for just, equal, healthy, and sustainable food systems and not those promoted by scrupulous multinational food companies whose drivel as that of interest. 

"Today is World Food Day and yet many people have no food to eat, as well as those who create food." Said Cathy Estavillo, chairwoman of Amihan in Filipino. The group appealed to Duterte to support local production instead of liberalisation in importing foodstuffs, that of rice, fish, vegetables, and pork. "The Duterte regime clearly failed in its agricultural productivity and food-on-the-table agenda, thus, we are challenging national candidates who claim to offer reforms to sincerely assure the attainment of self-sufficiency and food security in the country, for the benefit of Filipino farmers and poor consumers," Estavillo continued.
Also according to the protesters, Duterte should be assailed for his Rice Tariffication Law as well as that of Executive Order 134 that liberalises importation of pork. Both laws lowered tariffs for imported rice and pork resulting to a flood of imported foodstuffs in markets and loss for local rice and pork farmers. Bantay Bigas even showed data on the particular effects on rice liberalisation in the livelihood of Filipino rice farmers- that the price of palay costs PhP 9.00 per kilo in Iloilo, while PhP 10.00 in Mindoro Occidental, and PhP 14.00 in other provinces. While rice costs PhP 38.00 to PhP 44.00 per kilo (in retail) in Metro Manila. The price of rice itself is not enough for those whose minimum wage as quite low, especially in a time enforced lockdowns by the government resulted to work stoppage and unemployment.

Perhaps the government is trying to appease the affected farmers and fisherfolks if not threatening them because of their opposition to the liberalisation on foodstuff imports. In fact, the statement from the Department of Agriculture emphasized that "importation will be a last resort to support the department’s goal of achieving food sufficiency level for all commodities", while on the other hand claiming that "the rice tariffication law enhances productivity and competitiveness of rice sector"- even it obviously benefited the scrupulous traders who smuggle rice and create artificial scarcity at the expense of the suffering folk. Of course, expect suffering farmers and fisherfolks to protest especially that they're not just affected by the pandemic but also the sudden influx of imported rice, meat, and other foodstuffs "all thanks" to those laws, and wouldn't be surprised if reprisals from authorities would happen on them, blaming altogether as subversives since they're against an unjust, rotten system. 

To a concerned would say that since Dar speaks about New Thinking, of empowering farmers and fisherfolks, increase productivity and all, even talking about the use of modern technology to mechanise agriculture, then why not at first repeal unjust laws, of promoting genuine agrarian reform and national industrialisation, and seriously stressing self-sufficiency to feed millions of Filipinos? This may sound repetitive but the demands of the folk means more than just restoring productivity but also reviving the land and empowering the folk.
If countries like Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam have upstaged the Philippines in inclusive growth as what the neoliberal Bernardo Villegas said, then the primary reason is the greater emphasis that their leaders in the past put on improving the lot of their small farmers by endowing them with adequate infrastructures such as farm to market roads, irrigation systems, post-harvest facilities and agricultural services; in fact, this also did happen in the former Soviet Union through its "Agricultural Machinery Stations" aside from organising the peasants into collectives, making way for villages to sound developments from roads, irrigation, to that of schools and hospitals. Even Taiwan whose land reform also includes rural reconstruction creating the basis of agricultural prosperity which led to Taiwan's rapid economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s. 

Perhaps, unless the concerns the farmers and fisherfolks been addressed, expect slow productivity and hunger for the many. 

FACING CENSORSHIP

FACING CENSORSHIP

By Joel Pablo Salud

Source: Rappler

Some may think that, for a real journalist, hell is a dark, damp prison or the cold metal slab of a mortician’s table. This may be true to a certain extent. You can ask any who had come face to face with the corrupt, malignant conditions of our penal system.

However, there is much more to an actual hell for a working journalist than meets the eye. I would assume that hell is where censorship, in whatever shape or form, lives and breathes like behemoths lying in wait to devour the messenger. Either by visible restraints or invisible ones makes no real difference.

When we hear the word “censorship,” almost immediately we see images of Nazi book burnings. During Marcos’ martial law, censorship came in the form of the closure of news outlets and the arrests of editors, poets, and journalists.

The recent coup in Myanmar saw the illegal seizure of roughly 100 journalists with 46 remaining in custody today, according to Human Rights Watch. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said “Myanmar's rulers had effectively criminalized independent journalism”.

As early as Dec. 2020, CPJ reports that the number of journalists jailed worldwide has reached record figures, with retaliatory killings of journalists doubling as of last count. Back home, CPJ pegs the number of journalists murdered since 1992 at close to 100, with Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s administration posting the highest number of those killed.

Does this mean that Pres. Rodrigo Duterte’s regime is not guilty of censorship, as one national artist claims? “No writer is in jail,” he said in describing this regime. “There is no censorship. Duterte hasn’t closed a single newspaper or radio station.”

The current regime’s brand of censorship may be a far cry from the censorship imposed by Myanmar’s military or Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers so far as the numbers are concerned. But may I ask: how many is one too many?

Twenty journalists have been murdered since Duterte took power based on the latest count of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines. Twenty-three-year-old Frenchie Mae Cumpio remains in jail under trumped-up charges for being a member of the alternative media.

To this very day, poet, fiction writer, and playwright Amanda Echanis, daughter to slain activist Randy Echanis, languishes at the Cagayan Provincial Jail together with her one-month-old child, Randall Emmanuel, after her arrest on Dec. 2020. She was one of 3,790 activists charged under the current regime. Journalist Lady Ann Salem of Manila Today was also arrested and jailed around the same time and released in early 2021.

Some journalists have allegedly been retrenched under dubious circumstances, with ABS-CBN Network getting the brunt of this regime’s antagonism. Duterte himself, on numerous occasions, had admitted that he was behind the refusal of Congress to grant the network its franchise.

In Sept. 2021, the Kalinga State University and the Isabela State University have purged from their libraries all books which even remotely suggested of communist leanings. Most everyone believes this is in line with the government’s anti-communist campaign.

Maria Ressa, the Nobel’s newest laureate for Peace, had been arrested twice. Today, Ressa and Rappler continue to face several charges, to say little of the continuing harassment of Rappler’s reporters and correspondents who’ve have been barred from entering the Palace grounds.

This is where fellow columnist John Nery hit the mark when he called out the aforementioned national artist for his false claims: “To be so out of touch with what’s actually happening on the ground—that would be a fatal flaw in any writer”.

However much one tries to exonerate the present regime from its duties to the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, one thing stands clear: the spread of “fake” news is the new censorship.

The current administration has milked this for all it’s worth since it assumed power in 2016, shaking each and every day the confidence of the public against its journalists and writers.

Yet, after all’s said and done on the matter of whether Filipinos are being censored or not, it’s what is not being said that should count: that the killings of journalists, topped with the closure of ABS-CBN, and the impunity this current regime enjoys, have sent a crippling chill into newsrooms all over the country.

Some writers have resorted to self-censorship in order to stave off any further harassment from the State and its paid trolls. Others have simply given up on the pressure and threw their lot with the creators of “fake” news.

Bleak as this may seem, there are journalists who continue to defy the chill of persecution by choosing to step into the line of fire, that place of honor once proposed by anti-Marcos student activist Lean Alejandro who himself was a writer. He was gunned down in a car reportedly by elements of the military on Sept. 19, 1987.

These are the same journalists who understood Henry Grunwald’s words: “Journalism can never be silent: that is its greatest virtue and its greatest fault. It must speak, and speak immediately, while the echoes of wonder, the claims of triumph and the signs of horror are still in the air”.

***

Joel Pablo Salud is a known writer in both Opinion and in Creative Writing. His works were featured in the Philippines Free Press, and in Philippines Graphic (formerly “Philippine Graphic”) where he served as Editor.  The essay was first published online by San Anselmo Press. 

His new book, "In the Line of Fire", a collection of his lectures, will be released this year by San Anselmo Press. 

"Steel Pylons over a Concrete Shell"

"Steel Pylons over a Concrete Shell"

Recently, this writer saw new steel foundations towering over the shell of a once familiar edifice. 

Became a shell of once was few years ago, its current owners this time setting up new foundations with a billboard showing its possible look: that of a glass structure that's towering over the once dominant concrete edifice. 
To some would say it is an improvement of an existing structure, especially that it meets modern demands and at the same time respecting its decades-old beauty; but to those truly concerned, this somewhat makes one say a mockery especially for a place that should meant to be preserved for posterity- especially those who remember for its ice cream churned in its halls.


A familiar sight now gone to the dogs

Made in 1926 after San Miguel brought Magnolia from
a former US Army cook, the plant was originally a two-
Story building. It added a third floor during San Miguel's
reconstruction period after the war. 

Originally made during the American period and rebuilt after the war, the Magnolia Ice Cream Plant (or its actual name "Magnolia Dairy Products Plant") was a familiar sight in Echague, Manila. Given its stripped classicist architecture to that of being the ice cream plant complete with a bar waiting for those who want a good dessert of Magnolia's favourites. 

That, according to Rene Escalante of the National Historical Commission of the Philippines, the plant, inaugurated on October 1, 1926 (a year after Magnolia was founded in 1925), “incorporated the most advanced dairy processing facilities of the time, and is also dubbed as one of the great ice creams in Asia.” Therefore, the place itself was part of Filipino gastronomic history and of course, culture. 

However, despite concerns from heritage conservationists, the edifice was demolished by its new owners, that of Lucio Tan's Tanduay Distillery. Initially the structure was meant to be completely gone until being compelled by the authorities at least to leave the shell of the entire structure and instead incorporate to a new one, in a manner of preserving the fronts of buildings that have elegant architectural designs while constructing a modern building behind its old or original front.


"least it saved the structure"!?

"Towering over Gumbert's edifice: 
Steel Pylons set up on the former
ice cream plant's façade"

To some would say "least it saved the structure" by letting the shell remain, but to the truly concerned would say that the owners mocked heritage that instead of preserving for posterity they opted to destroy it. Worse, approved by a former mayor several years ago despite considered as an important cultural property! Isn't it that bullshit? Wouldn't be surprised that there are old structures that are being threatened by the wrecking ball- all thanks to those who care about that distorted interpretation of "progress" that is, at the expense of heritage in districts known for its roots. "Progress" in a sense that they don't consider the folk, much more using them as cheap labour for numerous projects to brag over. Meanwhile those assuming to be "concerned" would claim that these as for the good of the district even it requires sacrifices especially those affected by the fire and hence weaken its foundations- this made this writer wonder: since they're trying to be concerned then how come they failed to stem the destruction of heritage? Quite considering tho the idea of facadism, but as developers seemingly adopt this as part of their destruction spree in old yet intact structures, then this becomes ridiculous. 

For the Tans behind Tanduay would say that they had no choice but to make compromises with the authorities, if not feigning ignorance as they disregard the cultural value for a "prime lot" especially in a busy district of Manila. Hence, they had to adopt facadism instead of its earlier outright destruction. Worse, to see a mayor who, before his exit years had to approve those demolition permits as if those edifices, no matter how significant decades ago were deemed irrelevant in a time condominiums prevail over the metro.
But with "facadism" would say that it created an alibi for these developers to "justify" their actions by telling they're making the structure relevant with modern demands while demolishing the structure's integrity from the inside! It did happen at the former Life theatre at Quezon boulevard, Uy Su Bin and the former American Chamber of Commerce building in Binondo- whose shells as meant to compliment the proposed condominiums that worse, may affect the community as it distorts heritage and identity.

Ironically, the Tans even told the folk that the old Tanduay Distillery in Quiapo district, Manila will be renovated as a museum to showcase Tanduay's products and distillery production methods. It was decommissioned last 2013, but "will serve as a backup plant" hence it remains intact as opposed to the 1926-era edifice.


A legacy of bridging industrial need and classical beauty

The edifices made/inspired by Gabler-Gumbert:

Manila Glass Plant, Farola Tondo; the former 

Coca Cola bottling plant at Otis; the former San
Miguel main office, originally part of the brewery
 and now as a government building in

Malacanang complex, and the now-demolished 
Magnolia Dairy Products Plant in Echague

Perhaps, as construction workers continue to set new foundations over the shell of once was, this writer would say that the building that once stood did bridge modern industrial need and the classical beauty of its design. Its architect, Arthur Gabler-Gumbert, who started his architectural practise in the Philippines in 1912, stresses a less ornamental form of classical architecture as well as the use of concrete as a building material, and most of his buildings were that of edifices meant for San Miguel in its early years as a brewery: the former brewery buildings in Malacañang, the glass plant in Farola, Tondo, Coca Cola in Otis, and of course- the Magnolia Dairy Products Plant.

Quite palatial in its appearance, yet happened to be built as a factory that produces beer, softdrink, milk, and ice cream.

Nowadays, only the former main office in Malacañang (now as a government building), the glass plant (still under San Miguel making bottles), and the former Coca Cola plant in Otis (now as a restaurant) remains. 

And as for Magnolia itself, the former division moved to Aurora Boulevard in 1970. A new plant, designed by National Artist Leandro Locsin, was promoted as the "largest semi-automated dairy and ice cream plant in the far east". But for many it became a place for field trips, showcasing ice cream making and of course, its ice cream parlor bigger than in Echague. Sadly, that iconic edifice made by a national artist was also demolished despite protestations by heritage conservationists and architects, and in its place, a mixed residential-commercial complex known as "Robinsons Magnolia" was built. But despite its iconic name trying to invoke memories of its place once stood, it has nothing to do with the iconic brand, let alone a name of a flower. 

ISLAMIC ECONOMICS: OWNERSHIP AND TAWHID

 ISLAMIC ECONOMICS: OWNERSHIP AND TAWHID

by Abolhassan Banisadr

Translated by A. Dabiran and David H. Albert
With notes from Kat Ulrike

Background:

Abolhassan Banisadr

This essay, featured in the book "Tell the American People: Perspectives on the Iranian Revolution" is excerpted from the Abolhassan Banisadr's "Tawhid Economics" and has been translated and edited by A. Dabiran and David H. Albert.

Abolhassan Banisadr (22 March 1933 – 9 October 2021) was an Iranian politician and writer. He was the first president of Iran after the 1979 Iranian Revolution abolished the monarchy, serving from February 1980 until he was impeached by parliament in June 1981. Prior to his presidency, he studied finance and economics at the Sorbonne. he was the minister of foreign affairs in the interim government. He had resided for many years in France where he co-founded the National Council of Resistance of Iran.

During his revolutionary days, he wrote a book on Islamic finance, "Eghtesad Tohidi", which roughly translates as "The Economics of Monotheism."

Ownership-the Relationship between the Individual and His/Her Work

ISLAM IS THE ONLY SUPPORTER
OF THE WORKER:
A Labor-themed poster from the former
"Islamic Republican Party" 

Any relation between an individual and his/her earnings which is incompatible with the principle of "Tawhid" is an un-Islamic relationship. Therefore the reality of absolute ownership is not acceptable in Islam because it would imply acceptance of the concept of absolute ownership which would be a denial of "Tawhid".

Absolute ownership is God's alone; to reflect the principle of "Tawhid", human ownership must be relative only. Everyone's work in reality belongs to God; only to the extent that the individual can be God's viceregent upon earth can he/she have ownership.

In order for relative ownership of the individual over his/her work and its fruits to be continuously realised, there must be a relation between the individual, society, and God which is at once the cause and embodiment of this principle, and which reveals the possibility of ownership at all. It is this relation which now be explored.

The Relationship between the Individual, Society, and God

In all vital affairs, the relations between the individual and God is established only through the relationship between the society as a whole and God. Thus, ownershup by the community as the primary viceregent of God always takes precedence to that of the individual and the viceregency by the community is retained for all affairs in which community ownership is the condition for the individual's ownership of his/her own labour and its fruits. The origin of all relations is thus:

God>Society>Individual

Based on this relation, individual ownership is rejected for some things and community ownership is rejected for others. The community can determine the extent of individual ownership that is not allowed to prohibit an individual from working or owning the fruits of that work. 

It also follows that no one is permitted to own another's labour or its results. This limitation on ownership must be continued from generation to generation, ensuring that able-bodied person is able to exercise his/her abilities without any restriction. 

A Labour day themed poster from the 
"Islamic Republican Party" in 1980
with the caption: "Such hands will never go to hell"

Having declared this principle, are we confronted with three questions:

1.) Whether individual ownership of labour and its fruits is transferable?

2.) If so, what is the direction of this transfer?

3.) Is ownership continuous or not?

According to the principle of "Tawhid", the movement and activity of all things is from relativity to absoluteness- that is, toward god. Transfer of ownership in the case of this movement from relative to the absolute, and thus the common direction of transfer must be from the personal to the social. When conditions for the transfer from the personal to the social realm exist, it should be accomplished. But because the role of the individual as the viceregent of God is a continuous phenomenon, the individual's ownership of his/her work must also have a constant and stable character.

Until the time when the possibilities of centralisation and accumulation of wealth have been removed, until firm borders are established so that the centralisation of productive surpluses of the society within one or two centers becomes impossible, until these centers of accumulation can no longer be transformed by representatives of the society into centers of power, the social relations of dominant/dominated will continue. Past history and the current human situation is evidence of this fact. Therefore, just because the society makes its facilities accessible to the individual for use, it does not follow that it has the right to take away the people's reserves and put them in the hands of the government. Until the society is released from domination relationships, and there are ways to prevent the centralisation of wealth and power, the taking away of the people's reserves will merely concentrate all the produced wealth into the hands of the bureaucrat. Rulers will thus be transformed into tyrants over the people's fate, for which there are already too many examples. But because Islam wants, by solving this "accumulation complex", to reach a "Tawhidi" society, it tries to establish alternative kinds of relations for the distribution of the fruits of labour and residual of the individual's activity within the community and within a "natural" territory. This distribution must follow the path of the relation between God, society, and individual and thus move from individual ownership to social ownership.

The stability of ownership in the hands of workers from generation to generation marks the continuity of the community's relation as viceregent. The reserve built up only from the fruits of labour will not trigger a complex of capital accumulation. but the method of distribution from the Islamic point of view must also be a method of reaching toward community ownership. Thus, the distribution of inherited wealth according to Islamic principles is a system for eliminating the "accumulation complex", not for promoting it or for placing a boundary between individual and community ownership.

Indeed, if the picture which we draw from the society of the "Twelfth Imam" (ed note: In Shia Islam, it is believed that the Twelfth Imam will appear someday to usher in the ideal soceity) is realisable, it must be that a truly Islamic society could lead toward it. It should not be reasonable to assume that a system would be presented to the people and its objectives be defined but that legal foundations be set up which would make it impossible for the society to move forward those objectives.

Even if the picture of the ideal society (that of the "Twelth Imam") had not been presented, the "Tawhid" principle titself would be enough for a healthy mind not to countenance the accumulation and centralisation of power as the basis for an Islamic society. It is simply not reasonable to be striving toward the objective of the "Tawhidi" society, but like capitalist societies or those which have different productive systems but possessing centralised centers of political and economic power, to make it possible for the labour of all the people to be placed in the pockets of the few.

Therefore, until the time that an economically prosperous society is set up within which scarcity and the possibility of accumulation and centralisation is removed, Islam prefers the transfer of the fruits of labour after the deduction of "God's share" to be distributed according to Quranic principles. the result of each person's work, tools, and land should thus be placed in the hands of descendants. Principal is returned to the society which is the place of "Tawhid".

To sum up, both the society and individual can own, according to the vicegregency principle, and to the extent that this ownership of labour and its fruits help remove accumulation of capital and centralisation of power forever. And with regard to the fruits of labour, ownership must ultimately belong to society, and the direction of transfer of ownership should make the fulfillment of this principle possible.

Islamic Theory and the Fraudulent Attitudes Engendered by the Powerful

Under the system of private ownership, absolute ownership is assumed. Someone puts a barbed wire fence around a piece of property and then claims ownership. What happens then? What happens if the owners let no one inside to work on it? The masses of the people will be obliged to put themselves in the hands of the owners and thus, in a position of submissiveness say, "whatever you say, boss." or they will be obliged to go to the factories and be ground up in the gears of the machinery or to the construction sites where they will work until they fall. This occurs because it is in the interest of these owners for it to occur. Are not these masses "obliged" to obey the orders of the absolute owners, who have forgotten God, because the owners have "saved" them from death by starvation?

These relations, which are the dominant relations of the "Shirk" (atheistic and discordant) world, are not Islamic relations and must be rejected by Islam. the common supposition that the above situation is normal or even Islamic has no relation to the truly Islamic view. the basis of this system is force, is based on the "Shirk" economy, and is incompatible with the Islamic point of view based on "Tawhid", in which common ownership is the kind of ownership which allows all people to own their own labour. It is obvious that this is not realisable under a system which legalises the grabbing of land, resources, and tools from the people.

A society which is true to its own nature as a society has its members do common work together in protecting them from dangers, providing for the needs of each, and ensuring that nobody robs someone else's fruits of labour through cheating or force. A society will reach its objectives of ensuring the needs of all and equalising opportunities for everyone to the extent that everyone owns his/her own labour; no one uses his/her own labour for destructive activities; individuals do not engage in activity without relation to the total activity of the community or against the interest of the community; and people work as members of the society as a whole. This is "Tawhid", and possesses the components for unity.

"Tawhid" and Stability of Ownership Overtime

Overtime, generations after generations have relative ownership of land and resources and the fruits of labour. When it is said that "You are the owner of the land you are working," it means that you and the human community and future generations and past generations are partners in this ownership. The maintenance of "Tawhid" through time is one of the most important elements in the legislating of Islamic law. All rules must be established in accordance to "Tawhid." This is true even with respect to the individual's own person. The "Tawhid" principle requires a prohibition on suicide because an individual does not have absolute ownership even over him/herself, but belongs to God through the viceregent principle belongs to the society, to future and past generations which have laboured and are still working and will work for him/her and for which the individual has a responsibility to work.

Governments are not forever and cannot make decisions which lead to the deprivation of future generations. For example, it cannot choose to exhaust the oil and leave the well dry during the lifetime of a single generation, or dry the land and empty the mines for future generations. To make the present time absolute is a kind of domination relation and represents an exploitative point of view. It leads to the forgetting of the principle that every individual and every society is part of the totality of being. Neither individuals nor governments have the right to exploit for the sake of their own wants. Islam does not have a class perspective- it doesn't look from the top to bottom, or from the point of view of the oppressed upward. The Islamic view is based on "Tawhid". God exists and all be equal in God's sight. Preference is given according to virtue. There is not a single sub-role or class which is not included in the Islamic view. And it cannot be otherwise, and couldn't be.

The meaning of this is that Islam is a system in which every rule and law and condition reflects the guiding principles. If it were not so, Islam would not be a system. And the reason that Islam has gotten into the present situation is that rules and conditions have become bankrupt of these guiding principles.

Furthermore, in Islamic theory the origin of ownership and its results and the validity of its extensions must be established in such a way so that the objective face of human society reflects the guiding principles. That means ownership is limited to constructive purposes; destructive ends are prohibited. Constructive purposes are those which add to the store of human opportunities in such a way that does not lead to the future destruction of opportunities. If labour is not constructive and creative, how could the Quranic verse, "the ascension of things is toward God", acquire this meaning? If the individual does not add to the store of human opportunities and does not consciously seek evolution, how can he/she ascend to God? By working with nature and with the community, the individual can forget him/herself and ascend through evolution. If people do not use their labour for the extension and growth of the human dimension, they cannot reach toward a "Tawhidi" society and ascend towards God.

Conclusions

In the Islamic theory of ownership, absolute ownership is reserved for God alone. As human relativity and activity is not realised except in relation to God's absoluteness, individual ownership over labour cannot be realised except in relation to God's absolute ownership. Otherwise, force would be the basis of all relations: both dominating and dominated would lose their own freedom and their authority and become estranged from themselves. To the extent that the human race upholds the principle of vicegregency, and maintains the right of labour and the right of innovation for all people without exception and without discrimination in all times and places, and as long as ownership is maintained relatively, humans are the heirs of God. This relation between the community and the individual is to be organised by the Imam.

Accordingly, ownership is one aspect of the God-human relationship. The relation has two directions:

That of origin= God>Society>Individual,

and;

That of ultimate end= Individual>Society>God.

Absolute ownership is that of God and the nearest ownership to absoluteness over the earth and resources is that of the community. Next is that of the individual who, however, maintains relative ownership over his/her own labour. Therefore in transfer with respect to destination, ownership should move from individual to the community, from the community to the society-at-large, and then to the Imam, God's active representative. Until then, all tools of labour should be placed in the hands of those who make constructive use of them, according to capacity. Work opportunities are to be increased. And the differences between individual abilities should be reduced through the just distribution of opportunities. 

Alas that the problem has not been faced this way among the religious community of Islam. The Islamic religious community has always adjusted itself to the economic conditions of the time. The truly Islamic view which holds the possibilities for the final freedom of humankind, the view which has been made known in the Quran and described in the religious traditions and sayings, has been forgotten when the political power of tyrants has been established.

The reason for these details and even repetition is that the commonly held ideology is based on "Shirk"-atheistic contraditictions-must be rejected. Once we have done so, we can ask, according to this paradigm of ownership based on the principle of "Tawhid", how such ownership can be realised and how Islam can organise itself in this vital realm. And in answering these questions, we must study the adjustments of ownership for consistency with the way Islam must fight accumulation of capital and the centralisation of power.

***

According to A. Dabiran and Albert, "Tawhid", as inscribed in the introduction, is the Islamic worldview in which the universe is regarded as a unity, with a single form, possessing will, intelligence and purpose that is God. Its counterpart is called "Shirk", the worldview which regards the universe as discordant, possessing conflicting tendencies, and contradictions. It is obviously impossible to discuss the Islamic concept of ownership without considering the legal, political, economic, sociological, and philosophical ramifications. The "legal" conceptions of ownership take on meaning only within the framework of social, political, and economic relations. In this context, this writeup evaluates the Islamic concept of ownership and its relation to the principle of "Tawhid".

This article, made during the Iranian revolution, was an attempt to introduce a different kind of “Islamic economy” as an alternative to capitalism and socialism. Similar to the directed/mixed economies, this kind of economic system Banisadr envisions shows a shift from confrontation to that of cooperation. To some may sound “idealistic” especially in a time most Islamic countries end adopting neoliberal policies in their economies. Taking basic prescriptions from sharia (Islamic law), and systematizing and conceptualizing them "to construct a coherent and functional ensemble offering a middle ground between the two systems of the twentieth century, Marxism and capitalism." 

Iran however, trying to be the bulwark of “Islamic Revolution” with emphasis on the “Governance of the Islamic Jurist”, has to maintain emphasis on “justice” and “community” even despite its recent intentions to privatise most of its industries and to liberalise, decentralise the economy. 

As an observer would say that this note depends on who interprets it, some would even adopt Marxism with emphasis on class struggle (like the Mojahedin E Khalq, or the earlier "God Fearing Socialists" group of Mohammad Nakhshab) which ironically, contradictory to this article that emphasises non-confrontationism. But history attests that confrontation in pursuit of truth has been part of it- especially when Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī, a companion of Muhammad, protested against the accumulation of wealth by the ruling class during Uthman's caliphate and urged the equitable redistribution of wealth. His actions made was credited by some scholars, like Muhammad Sharqawi and Sami Ayad Hanna, as a principal antecedent of Islamic socialism. 

In fact, other than Banisadr, Clerics Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr and Mahmoud Taleghani developed their own variant of "Islamic economics" that emphasises a major role for the state in matters such as circulation and equitable distribution of wealth, and a reward to participants in the marketplace for being exposed to risk or liability. Like Banisadr, al-Sadr and Taleghani's version of Islamic economics, which influenced the Iranian Revolution, called for public ownership of land and of large "industrial enterprises," while private economic activity continued "within reasonable limits." These ideas informed the large public sector and public subsidy policies of the Iranian Revolution.
The Mojahedin E Khalq also stresses "Islamic economics" but with a synthesis of Marxism. "Islam with revolutionary Marxism" as what they've been described by some analysts despite the latter being synonymous with atheism. MEK even constituted a "combination of Muslim themes; Shiite notions of martyrdom; classical Marxist theories of class struggle and historical determinism; and neo-Marxist concepts of armed struggle, guerilla warfare and revolutionary heroism". They even acknowledge Marxism as a "progressive method of social analysis", yet  "they could not accept materialism, which was contrary to their Islamic ideology". In the group's first major ideological work, "Nahzat-i Husseini" (Hussein's Movement), authored by Ahmad Reza'i, it was argued that "Nezam-i Towhid" (monotheistic order) sought by the prophet Muhammad, was a commonwealth fully united not only in its worship of one God but in a classless society that strives for the common good. "Shiism, particularly Hussein's historic act of martyrdom and resistance, has both a revolutionary message and a special place in our popular culture". Ironically, both Banisadr and Reza'i shared the thoughts of "Tawhid" but in a different interpretation: Banisadr saw "Tawhid" as that of harmonious society, while Reza'i saw "Tawhid" as that of a revolutionary akin to a "Church Militant". 

In the western view this would say that Banisadr's economic view may sound first almost closer to distributism, especially in an attempt to create a "third way" between capitalism and socialism. Being a graduate of Economics and Finance in Sorbonne may conclude that his economic thought, despite being "Islamic", was also influenced by western economic thought (and that includes distributism). For as Distributism stresses the right to property is a fundamental right, the means of production should be spread as widely as possible rather than being centralized by any entity (state, corporations). Therefore, distributism advocates a society marked by widespread property ownership. However, Banisadr focuses much on society controlling if not owning with the individual acting as a steward with the responsibility of sharing its fruits of labour to the society itself being the viceregent of God. 

Another theory, Mutualism, also shares the idea of what Banisadr envisions, especially that of reciprocity, initiative, and cooperation. But then again, the Iranian economist's view stresses the emphasis on God-centeredness as opposed to that of "sovereignty of the individual over himself, his affairs and his products", as well as the role of man as that of the steward of the community, who, acting as on behalf of God's, in maintaining and ensuring.

"Still, Heritage (and Community) under Threat."

"Still, Heritage (and Community) under Threat."

For years, if not decades, rapid urbanisation takes place with all in its entirety especially in today's society.

HERITAGE NOW GONE:
Prewar Sta. Cruz Building demolished months ago

Driven mainly by modernity and its promise of development and progress, today’s urban, suburban, even rural setting in the country is being studded with the emergence of various structures all catered to the different needs of the growing megalopolis. But due to limited land area for the site of these structures, either reclamation of coastal areas, in-fill developments and demolition of existing old structures are being resorted to- resulting to destroying natural settings, reduction of civic spaces, and potential loss of civic/cultural heritage, even agricultural self-sufficiency in the case of farms transformed for commercial/residential development.

And this became the norm when it comes to development. Developers, in connivance with scrupulous government officials, disregard the civic/cultural value of the place in favour of just simply real estate, a prime lot that’s valuable. However, every building, through its architecture, is an art that’s visible, tangible, and enduring. And from those structures, through its character and physical features that stood the test of time also reflect the time period it was built and the socioeconomic state that’s prevailing over the district where the building located. This also becomes a cultural venue especially when events, whether significant or ordinary, happen in those places- which eventually becomes an essential part of the community’s culture and history. Thus, it also gives the city an identity as it tells about the district’s origins, culture, and of course heritage.

But regardless of its significance, any historically and culturally significant edifices or spaces are threatened increasingly. As said earlier, these structures or spaces are being downplayed as just real estate making the process of heritage decay gone inevitable. Post industrial urban constructions in one hand and time-dependent nature of heritage on the other has made those who value worry, making its preservation and conservation a serious matter and thus be considered with outmost urgency, especially in those lie inside rapid urban developments. Metro Manila, particularly the city of Manila itself, is on a tug of war between heritage and “development”, especially in districts whose historical significance is at times threatened by developers who promised a shallow kind of "modernity" in those places.

The Philamlife building, known for its auditorium, was designed by architect Carlos D. Arguelles and it used to host grand performance of world-renowned artists, school graduations, and other Filipino shows. This didn't escape the demolition ball after it was sold to SM Development Corporation with the latter promising that "the theatre, with all its elements and most especially its acoustics will be preserved. This will be done in close consultation with the country’s music, acoustics and design experts". But still, end demolished for its dream condo whose design as contrary to what Arguelles did. Even the Taoist temple in Sta. Ana, Manila, known for being built decades past is also in danger of losing its "Important Cultural Property" status after it was reportedly sold to an anonymous buyer in November 2019. 

Using Facadism for a ruse: 
Former Magnolia Plant in Echague

Some did even mock heritage such as by claiming Façadism will save old structures like those of the former Magnolia Ice Cream plant in Echague, or the American Chamber of Commerce building in Dasmariñas, both demolished save their shells for “modern”, high-rise structures meeting “today’s demands”. However, according to a writeup made by the Center for Filipino Architecture, that in this recurring solution of façadism to the city’s heritage buildings as a compromise between demolition and heritage conservation, it is again a matter of time if the remaining walls will be retained amidst the modern high-rise construction, or if the property developers eventually decide on their eventual demolition and irreversible removal from the city’s physical landscape and urban memory.

But regardless of concerns, apologists of “development” at will still downplay heritage claiming “the need for sacrifice” as in the case of Binondo-Intramuros bridge, to that of “promoting progress” on the issue of the proposed Pasig River Expressway. They don't mind the cultural significance of the buildings within the district- that by simply telling it is "private property", that authorities agreed to it, to that of "it is real estate" and it doesn't mind its significance, let alone a prime lot that a condominium or a high-rise warehouse on its place, all in the name of "modernity", "development", or anything whatsoever the government would clap as such.

Truly, the rapid growth of cities, of metropolises into megalopolises also possesses a problem-that of cultural decay, worse, having inappropriate conservational activities that rather pose threat urban heritage (najd et al. 2015). In seeing pages in social media surrounding heritage (like “Renacimiento Manila” or “Brutalist Pilipinas”), this writer would say that a tug of war between heritage conservation and uneven development happens- especially on the issue that deals with districts that’s affected by “construction bubble”. That Escolta, the nation’s once Commercio-financial district, also face threats brought by uneven developments, with the demolition of the former Philippine National Bank headquarters, Capitol Theatre, and now Sta. Cruz Building. Apologists would claim that things old should make way for the new, not knowing that these old structures became part of the district’s image, that they stood the test of time, hence should be preserved for posterity.

But this matter doesn’t just limit to old urban districts threatened by uneven development- even rural communities whose heritage for decades been threatened, worse, by using the “arm of the law” to satisfy entrenched interests. The reclamation of Manila Bay coastal areas in Noveleta, Kawit, Bacoor, and Cavite City in Cavite province which, according to fisherfolk group PAMALAKAYA, will demolish mussel farms and displace more than 15,000 fisherfolk and coastal residents; the 2500-hectare reclamation project in Brgy. Taliptip, Bulacan which evicted over 700 fishing families to give way for the construction of the Bulacan Aerotropolis; the long-time disputed Kaliwa dam which will submerge large portions of indigenous peoples ancestral lands in Sierra Madre evicting at least 5,000 Dumagat, displacing 126 endemic fauna species, and endangering at least 100,000 residents due to the increased risk of climate-related disasters; and the Gened dam that will affect 22 barangays of indigenous Isnag people. This matter shows that heritage isn’t just about old buildings too, but also communities that stood time, whose roots created an image of sustainability, but now threatened by those who claiming to be benefiting theirs. 

From these events, be it urban, suburban, or rural would say that it is unsurprising especially when those who claim about progress and development has to destroy a district's significance and removes the opportunity for future generations to understand the place and its values. It downplays sound alternatives, including those from architects, urban planners, and the community itself, who values the image of their "home" as part of their youth, if not where their livelihood and identity as a community lies in it. Ironically, there are those active in nostalgia pages who also doesn't mind heritage at all, yet admires about the pictures of old as it talks about nostalgia!

***

This writer’s fervent belief in the bridging heritage and holistic development especially in those kind of  places has seen as strong as ever especially when those who offer a sound alternative aren’t just concerned about the aesthetics, but that of community. Contrary to those who preach uneven progress with its unsound modernity, would say that words like “sacrifice” or even "progress" is becoming bullshit as they’re blind and deaf on those who offer sound alternatives to their unjust view. People demand cultural and socio-civic spaces, even preserving agricultural and ecological spaces now under threat by uneven, one-sided “development”. 

Of course, expect its apologists whine about those calling for heritage and community. With words like “sacrifice” and “progress” to justify such construction frenzy they failed to appease those who truly concerned about community. After all they matter about the growing megalopolis than talking about sustainable communities, as it peddles a false notion of progress, modernity, where grandiose infrastructure projects are given focus at the expense of the environment, heritage, community, and the people itself. Perhaps, in today’s time, these matters create a ‘based’ challenge which involve these words stated above all for the future generstions. Takinh to mind that “lost heritage equates to lost identity”, if not the bluntiest fact that “development is a two-way road”. 

But before resolving this challenge, people concerned, all in seeking truth from facts and asserting what is right and necessary in their communities, should realise it is indispensable to know and understand the perception of the folk about their own heritage, belief, and insights about its value and purpose not just in their communities but also their lives. For sure they all wish development to flourish and progress to realise, but hopefully not the expense of their heritage, identity, and of course- community.

"To do more and do better"

"To do more and do better"*

(A Tribute to Atty. José Luis Martín "Chito" Gascon,
activist and human rights defender)

This note mourns the passing of activist and human rights advocate Chito Gascon. This express deepest and sincere condolences to the family, friends and employees in the Commission on Human Rights where he served as Chairman from 2015 to 2021. 

It is quite saddening especially that he passed away fighting a good fight from his illness such as COVID19, but, "Chito", "Ka Chito" by his comrades, or "Chair Chito" by CHR employees, embodies what it is to be a human rights warrior especially in this recent times of extrajudicial killings and state-sponsored atrocities. Despite threats by the current administration, that "to do more and do better" was Chito's message to his colleagues in CHR in his usual flag ceremony speeches, especially in serving clients and fulfilling duties amidst tumultuous times, making his employees, colleagues till the end truly remember that said quote.

True to his convictions he stood his ground and maintained the commission's morale especially after threats of budget constraints by the administration if not seeing the commission was at the center of misinformation and threats by administration apologists. He doesn't mind the threat nor personal attack but instead he lifted the spirits of his employees and inspired them to continue their work as human rights advocates and defenders even at the most crucial times. Yes, "to do more and do better" till the end.

And true to his convictions in envisioning a free, democratic society, would say that he was more than just defending human rights with all his consistency and commitment, but also to assert the need of a society that truly ensures human rights- that even his ideological rivals also pay tribute to his commitment that even his death he continues to fight- just fight, even it requires raging against the dying of the light. 

Thus, to cut this note short, Gascon's death should not stop those who assert human rights from their commitment. By "doing more and doing better" in fighting and moving forward would say that he is alive in spirit and guiding the concerned in its pursuit, all amidst threat and slander, towards a just and humane society that truly adheres to human rights. 

*inspired from the press release of the CHR Employees Association

Thoughts after 4:08 AM

Thoughts after 4:08 AM

"Rumors continue to churn"

Rumors continue to churn
Trying to drown the truth
As the order and its apologists
Trying to counter the concerned
As all seeks truth from facts
Pave way to a renewed dissent
The order can't sleep for this
As whispers of truth became screams

Once fooled by those using words like "hope"
Of "change" not knowing they're coming from fools
Of words rather meant to snare us folks
By those pretending to be "along with us"
But no! They sidelined those concerned
In favour of those with interests
Hopes end rather deformed
By those uniformed, if not well-dressed pests

For sure we learned our lessons
That those we elected are bandits
All sworn to upheld a rotten order
At the expense of our dreams and hopes
Indeed, seeing those concerned in prison cells
If not killed in streets, described as collateral damage
If not justified by describing them as misfits
Hence be "purged" in the name of "peace and order"

For sure apologists will continue to churn their lies
If not exaggerating truths to their side
The way they claim theirs as "progress"
When in fact benefited entrenched interests
They will claim roads and bridges theirs
While evicting those from their lands and homes
What more circumventing, reinterpeting laws
Till enough to downplay our hopes

What more in this time of unseen pests
Whose illness created million deaths
The order turned this into opportunity
Limiting our action, movements
Claiming "this will lessen problems"
And using words like "Quarantine"
While failing us with half-baked assistances
And treating this situations as if that of killing misfits

Pardon for the thought but this what a concerned sees
Quite worrying if not can't sleep
The news churn full of complains and concerns
Ranging from vaccine problems to that of subsidies
The order claim "everything is under control"
If not downplaying every concerned's screams
No wonder protest actions occur
Despite threats of truncheon and jails

We all yearn for the fragrance of liquor
Of pleasantries resound in the air
As we had enough of orderists
Driving us to despair
We had enough of half-heartedness
That's being shown in their actions
We had enough of false righteousness
That's being shown in the screens

We all yearn for the breeze in the sea
Untainted by state led degeneracy
As we had enough of bandits in uniform
Making everyday an infamy
We had enough of elected assholes
Assuming to be "for the rule of law"
The way we had enough of open manholes
Trying to block our busy roads

We all yearn for based changes
As we all tired of their interests
We had enough hearing graves begging for souls
Yearning for justice against uniformed pests
Expect our works becoming daggers
Pointing altogether with orderists stagger
Expect flames of calls- peace, justice, land, bread
Expunging the threats of this "lawful dread"

Again, rumors continue to churn
Trying to drown the truth
As orderists trying to rally all to their side
In a time people had enough of inconveniences and fright
People now concerned as they saw truth from facts
Expect from them dissent in various forms
Not surprised as history again repeat:
That of a rage, disquiet, a raging storm

Let our joys prevail
Over the days of disquiet
The way love should matter
Even this nights of rage
Let the spice of hope, aspirations give life
Like the old colonel does his chicken
That though his 11 herbs and spices
Our hopes and dreams hearts and minds satisfied, even

I tried not to be a poet
But your love continues to blossom
Hence this work, as any creative thought
A result of your warming bosom
For the fact that you brought love in my heart
This gives spice in a lonesome mine
Despite the problems everyday to encounter
And the frustrations that marred life

Sorry Lacaba to use your words
For the folk had enough of being peons
Deep inside they wish for another storm
Against the dreaded order and its corrupt norm
Their drivel is that of hope and love
Even it requires an oil bomb to strike those from above
And be embraced by the warmths of their love and their homeland
Amidst the blows of the water cannons can't withstand

Love or any word can't be just a "good vibe" as one may think
Especially in a time this dreaded order made us freaks
Let our joy, love, faith, and hope vent our angers and frustrations
Till forcing us gone beyond enforced parameters, limitations
Let our blossomed minds, hearts, minds gone creative
From poems, songs, artworks, to that of oil bombs
Every tool a weapon, every action a storm
Altogether against the dreaded order and its corrupt norm!