Thursday 30 November 2023

“Technofeudalism”: Capitalism – and then?

 “Technofeudalism”: Capitalism – and then?

Michael Bröning

from Vörwarts, November 30, 2023


Yanis Varoufakis 
Honest hero or nuisance? In his sixth book “Technofeudalism,” former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis warns against Big Tech. His analysis is frightening. Some of his proposed solutions are too.

Depending on your perspective, Yanis Varoufakis is either an intrepid hero who stood up to the EU's austerity policy as Greek finance minister - or "the biggest pain in the ass in the room," as the Financial Times once declared. A minister without a tie? With a motorcycle? Unheard of, said former Federal Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble at the height of the crisis.

Varoufakis was unexpectedly swept from the university ivory tower to the top of Greek politics in the wake of the euro crisis. There he played the role of his life alongside Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras in the summer of 2015: here Tsipras, who ultimately bowed to European guidelines, there the tirelessly fighting Yanis - Don Quixote - Varoufakis. He was celebrated, not least in the German media, as the “ Greek Minister of Awesome ”.


A fictional dialogue with the deceased father

His sixth book is now also being celebrated: “Technofeudalism. 

“What killed capitalism.” In it, Varoufakis, who describes himself as a libertarian Marxist, describes the catastrophic effects of the digital economy. Conceived as a follow-up to his bestseller “Time for Change: How I Explain the Economy to My Daughter,” the work is a fictional dialogue between Varoufakis and his late father: a lovingly drawn dissident, communist activist and – long live the contradiction! – senior employees of a steel company.

The book begins with a memory: At the evening fireplace, Varoufakis senior explains to his young son not only the adaptability of metals, but also that of the capitalist system using metallurgical experiments. Years later, the young Varoufakis installed his father's first internet-enabled computer. Impressed by the technology, he asks: “Now that computers are talking to each other, is capitalism about to be overcome or ruled forever?” The book is a belated answer to this “killer question”.


Greek mythology and pop culture counterpoints

Varoufakis is concerned with moral integration into the larger humanistic whole. The book repeatedly references Greek mythology and pop culture counterpoints. This creates an arc of tension between Prometheus and Minotaur on the one hand and the cynical manipulations of the New York “Mad Men” on the other.

The initial analytical thesis is: Capitalism is not dying, it has been dead for a long time. The perpetrator? Capitalism itself. Or rather a viral mutation that caused the pillars of the system to collapse. Markets and profit are history. “Capital still exists,” says Varoufakis, “but capitalism does not.”


Small-scale digital cloud principalities

At first glance, what Varoufakis himself admits seems unconvincing. Isn't capitalism everywhere? But what looks like capitalism and free markets is now something fundamentally different, argues Varoufakis. The titans of the digital economy and Big Tech have now transformed the already perverted hyper-capitalism into a far more sinister system. “The good old, bad days” became “techno-feudalism” through cheap money and huge amounts of state financial flows.

The world is disintegrating into digital cloud principalities, which resemble hierarchical fiefdom pyramids, analogous to the feudal order of the Middle Ages. In this new constellation, even the largest traditional capitalist individual companies only play the role of vassals in the middle ranks, serving the manipulations emanating from the top through conventional production.

The majority of people in this system populate the basement floors. The “Prols” lead a desolate existence in the engine rooms like in HG Wells’ “Time Machine”. Supervised by algorithms, they are trapped in the limbo of the Amazon warehouses. They perform the modern equivalent of feudal forced labor.


Users held hostage

And the rest? Precariously dependent people who fuel the system by providing their own digital identities. Like a maelstrom, every click travels free of charge to the all-knowing cloud. “The real revolution is the transformation of billions of people into willing slaves,” says Varoufakis.

People become the raw material of an exploitation scheme that simultaneously devours and despises them. Refusal is impossible. Because we have all been hopelessly digitally entangled for a long time. “The companies know that they can treat us users however they please. “When was the last time someone rejected the terms of a software update?” asks Varoufakis. Ultimately, the users are held hostage: “Our contacts, friends, chat histories, pictures… We lose everything if we turn away,” says Varoufakis.


Memories of Orwell's "1984"

At the top, however, there is a distant class of neo-feudal paladins with untold wealth. According to Varoufakis, this class can no longer be reached through conventional attempts at political containment. Because unlike the captains of industry at the beginning of the 20th century, the rulers of the cloud today are becoming fabulously rich “without organizing the production of any specific product”. Their power is no longer based on tangible things, on monopolies or on unfair production conditions. In seemingly free markets, they orchestrate not only the production, presentation and transaction but also the all-encompassing management of consciousness.  

The development is global: split into power blocs of American and Chinese provenance – with all the associated risks of military escalation. The feudal blocs remind Varoufakis of the “continental superstates in George Orwell’s 1984.”

Vision of a post-post-capitalist Bullerbüs

But what can be done about the undesirable development described so vividly? Here Varoufakis remains vague and that is the weakness of the otherwise worthwhile book. In fact, his argument falls into two parts. The first two-thirds provide an excellent analysis of the faults. The last third, however, outlines a counterproposal. And this vision – and the path to it – if actually implemented, would hardly be less frightening than the disastrous initial situation described itself.

A utopia is designed that is reminiscent of Marx's “German ideology”. Hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon and criticize after dinner? Fast: In Varoufakis' vision, life oscillates between morning coffee, a jointly curated community newsletter and working in an anarcho-syndical company. So far, so idyllic.

In a kind of post-post-capitalist Bullerbü, decisions are made by unelected councils. “The tyranny of land ownership” has been overcome. Private property was largely abolished. A global unit of account (“the cosmos”) equalizes development differences between the global north and south, companies are handed over to the general public and decisions in the workplace are made by digital tribunals.

“Cloud slaves of all countries, unite!”

The path into this world remains vague. The only thing that is clear to Varoufakis is that social democratic attempts at regulation are impossible. The center left is “morally effeminate and complicit” in the existential threat. All that remains is networking, rebellion and revolution. However, Varoufakis lacks any proof that the path to his utopia would be different from the previous bloody Marxist attempts at redemption. He repeatedly praises the achievements of the Soviet Union - without, of course, sweeping the authoritarian excesses under the table.

The work ends pathetically with the call of the Communist Manifesto: “Cloud slaves of all countries, unite!” But this is either a purely aesthetic revolutionary pose or a very adventurous agitation. Honest hero or nuisance? In his latest book, Varoufakis remains both at the same time. But you should definitely read it.


Yanis Varoufakis: Technofeudalism. What killed Capitalism, Vintage, 2023, 281 pages



***

Michael Bröning is a writer for Vörwarts. The article is roughly translated from its German original. 

Wednesday 29 November 2023

To be like Bonifacio means to continue the Resistance

 To be like Bonifacio means to continue the Resistance

Kat Ulrike


To begin, this note extends greetings to the Filipino people on the occasion of Andres Bonifacio's 160th birth anniversary, whose valor and love for the people has inspired generations against local tyranny and foreign colonial persecution. 

After centuries of local despotism and foreign semicolonial domination in the Philippines, the Filipino people are still inspired by the teachings of Filipino patriots like Bonifacio, from whom comes renewed resistance to colonial oppression. 

True, that current President Marcos Jr. has urged Filipinos to emulate Bonifacio's bravery. In fact, it is now more important than ever to draw strength and lessons from patriots such as Bonifacio, Rizal, and others whose patriotism has fanned the flames of resistance against injustice, emphasizing the importance and urgency of fighting for national and social liberation at a time when local tryants oppressed the folk with unjust laws and actions, and foreign overlords such as the United States and China have meddled domestic affairs and stunted national development.  

Looking back at history

Inspired by the works of Jose Rizal and the French Revolution, Bonifacio admired the ideas of liberty, equality, and fraternity, which translated into the local perspective and motivated the toiling masses to rally behind the banner of national liberation under the Katipunan. The void left by the Insulares like Andres Novales and "El Conde Filipino" Varela was eventually filled by Mestizos and Indios who eventually joined under one banner and one resistance as Filipinos. And through covert means of organization, the Katipunan led a force of several tens of thousands of people that swept from Manila (including Rizal), to Cavite, Batangas, Laguna, Bulacan, Tayabas, Nueva Ecija, the provinces of Pangasinan and Ilocos, the Bicol region of Luzon, the provinces of Aklan and Cebu in the Visayas, and the provinces of Bukidnon and Misamis in Mindanao. People, primarily from the working masses, joined the cause, particularly after the Cry of Pugad Lawin and Rizal's execution in Bagumbayan, which made it clear that an armed revolution was required to end the Spanish colonial power in the Philippines.

However, despite successes, this was not enough to fend off the shortcomings, as well as maneuvers and political attacks of those who ought to take away the leadership of the Philippine revolution in the Tejeros Convention, murder Bonifacio in Mt. Buntis, and the surrender at Biak-na-Bato regardless of opposition by members of the Katipunan like Malvar and Paciano Rizal,  believing it was a ruse of the Spaniards to get rid of the Revolution easily. 

Those who stood by Bonifacio after his death either lay low and returning to their homes, or continued fighting despite refusing to join the forces of General Emilio Aguinaldo. Katipuneros Emilio Jacinto died fighting against Spainiards despite having Malaria in Laguna, while Macario Sakay was being branded as a "bandit" and executed by the Americans for being true to his nationalist cause. 

The flames kept burning

On the other hand, this note one would understand the otherwise inexplicable mistakes and shortcomings of men like Duterte, Marcos jr. and others whose clamour for "unity" and "change" is but meaningless terms meant to snare hopeless folks. 

For contrary to their statements, their actions speak much of continuity that rather benefited the status quo, that development that's being bragged has benefited the "haves" and not the "have nots" regardless of the latter's efforts. 

True that Marcos wanted the people to emulate Bonifacio and his nationalism the way his predecessor Duterte calls on the public to get involved in community and national issues that affect everyone's lives; yet to see a country remain an appendage of both American and Chinese overlords, of having unequal agreements and unjust policies that benefited local tyrants, this continuity of injustice and disenfranchisement has turned the message into an empty rhetoric if not mocking the folk as it engages in a resistance in various forms. 

Why the protest marches? Why the stirring speeches against the rotten social order? Why taking up arms in various forms? Why the need for sacrifice? For sure people would say that Bonifacio's message and that of other patriots is relegated to history and therefore must "move on" from it in favour of a neoliberal setting that is today with its illusion of progress and development, but again, the existing poverty, injustice, oppression under the current social order has turned those who are truly concerned into what they perceive as subversive as they express their national and social aspiration. The struggle for independence doesn't stop with the abrogation of the unequal agreements, executing tyrants, or by seeing the flag flying alone, but also to having a land to till, a living wage and a right to livelihood, food, education and health, a decent life as what Bonifacio and the Katipunan envisioned. 

Sunday 26 November 2023

“I left an old cabinet-scented room”

“I left an old cabinet-scented room”


I left an old cabinet-scented room 
And to wander the place where jasmine flowers bloom soon 
Leaving the place where a people tries to forget its past 
To another where history’s remnants till today last 
I left the country where people always say “move on” 
Yet talks about nostalgia as if they enjoy upon 
Such as that of a childhood days sometimes cringe 
As that of spanking on their asses or a drinking binge 
I find their taste of the past sometimes nonsensical 
As opposed to their future dreams quite delusional 
While the other values it’s history for the future 
The way it values knowledge that’s to nurture 
How beautiful Manila is, trying to be the city of man 
Yet reality urges us to face life that’s damned 
The system whose followers cried much about their idyllic past 
Yet that same oppressive past still continuous, how long will it last? 

As I wander the streets of Bangkok everything’s in place 
As that of skyscrapers, old structures for us to amaze 
Be it the Wat Arun, Wat Phra Kew, to a lowly shrine 
The old city of angels stood the test of time 
That made me wonder why their heritage truly lasts 
As opposed to those trying to forget its past? 
I guess mayors and legislators willing to sacrifice everything 
For theirs these as worthless for a few that to theirs meant something 
An old structure in Manila stood by decades end befall 
No matter it witnessed times, lives and all 
Just for a “modern” edifice out of cold steel and glass 
No matter how beauteous it appears, in the eyes of many it is crass 
What an embarrassment to hear them valuing a community’s history 
When reality I find them benefiting from a continuing past that’s full of misery 

Again I left that old cabinet scented airport room but with hopes for my country to carry 
That just like its neighbour whose jasmine flowers blossom there’s no need to worry.

Wednesday 1 November 2023

"Resistance will always be there"

"Resistance will always be there" 


They cry about their faith
Just to defend a murderer 
Claiming 'God' is on their side 
As drones, tanks enter 
They claim they restore order 
As they bomb the entire city till it shatter 
But the message is crystal clear: 
"Resistance will always be there" 

Like Sharon's brutal storm decades ago 
Borne freedom fighters from the diaspora we know 
Trying to correct mistakes of a continuing past 
The will to survive their call till free at last 
Everything is a weapon to continue the struggle 
As every field becomes an endless battle 
Despite media outlets talking about defeat 
No! More will rise to create a hundred feat 

Of course they demand peace, 
As the diaspora surely missed 
But as realities tell them to resist 
Enough for the occupier to get pissed 
The people now awakened to reason and truth 
No matter foes wanting to see them reduced 
As the battering ram of righteousness will shatter those iron domes 
Just to get back to their cherished homes.

I bet God will always be at the oppressed
As opposed to the tyrant's claims
As I pity to all victims
Enough to demand justice as seems
I bet as shofars blow and from the Muezzin's cry
Comes pleas for justice, peace, liberation, and the will to fight
The solidarity in the land being promised comes revolution that's certain
With every tool a weapon comes a new life over the order that's broken