Saturday, 9 August 2025

"Stimulant Hedonism?" or "Sober Fun?": Thoughts after the Coffee Rave at Cafe 32nd St.

"Stimulant Hedonism?" or "Sober Fun?": 
Thoughts after the Coffee Rave at Cafe 32nd St.



The recent coffee rave at Cafe 32nd St., hosted by the Caffeine Club, has sparked a fascinating conversation about the intersection of social rituals, sensory experiences, and personal expression. For those who participated, the experience transcended a simple love for coffee, good company, or even the music itself. Instead, it was about the unique synergy created when these elements collided, offering a new kind of space for creativity and connection. 

The usual association of coffee, tea, or cocoa with quiet mornings, focused work, and peaceful contemplation is deeply ingrained in everyday culture. It is a beverage of solitude and productivity, a gentle ritual to ease into the day. The coffee rave, however, turns this on its head. It is a playful, almost rebellious act of subversion, taking a substance known for its contemplative qualities and infusing it with the high-octane energy of house, techno, or trance music. This blending of the mundane and the euphoric creates a chaotic yet captivating remix of daily rituals. The caffeine kick, instead of powering a quiet work session, fuels a collective jive on the dance floor, blurring the lines between a morning pick-me-up and a midday or evening party.

For those who are both dedicated coffee drinkers and avid listeners of electronic music, this fusion feels less like a novelty and more like a natural evolution. It is a "stimulant hedonism" that offers an alternative to the traditional nightlife scene. Swapping alcohol-induced hangovers for the jittery comedown of a caffeine high may not sound ideal to everyone, but it speaks to a desire for a different kind of thrill. It is about seeking out an alternative comfort, a space where the warmth of a perfectly brewed Americano or the creamy embrace of a latte can coexist with the pulsating beats of a DJ. This combination offers a unique kind of diversion, a way to chase a high without the debilitating after-effects of alcohol, all while celebrating two beloved passions simultaneously.

The appeal of the coffee rave is rooted in its ability to satisfy a deeply human need for connection and stimulation. In an increasingly digital and isolated world, these events provide a tangible, shared experience. The collective energy of a group of people, all fueled by caffeine and moving to the same rhythm, creates a powerful sense of camaraderie. It is a space where strangers can bond over a shared love for a good brew and a killer beat. The music, a universal language in its own right, becomes a catalyst for connection, while the coffee serves as a social lubricant, facilitating conversations and fostering a sense of community. This dynamic is a powerful draw for those who are seeking genuine, in-person interactions that go beyond the superficial.

Of course, this innovative concept is not without its critics. Some may dismiss the idea as absurd, a misguided attempt to "fix" something that isn't broken. They might cling to the usual view of a coffee shop as a sanctuary of quiet reflection and a rave as a space exclusively for alcohol-fueled revelry. However, for those who embrace the "sober curious" movement and the idea that "sober is the new drunk," these critiques are easily dismissed. The coffee rave isn't about replacing alcohol; it's about creating a new choice. It's about offering a space where you can have your own kind of fun, with an espresso machine humming in the background instead of a bar shaker, and a DJ spinning house tracks instead of a jukebox playing top 40 hits. The heckling from others doesn't matter because the core participants have found something they truly crave: a unique blend of energy, community, and creative expression that feels both exhilarating and familiar. Or to keep it honest: coffee raves is no different from the endless debates and poetry nights inside the coffeeshop! 

In the end, the coffee rave at Cafe 32nd St. was more than just a party; it was a testament to the evolving nature of social gatherings and the human desire to constantly innovate and find new ways to connect. It was a space where the rich aroma of coffee mingled with the vibrant sounds of electronic music, creating a multisensory experience that stimulated not just the body, but the imagination. It proved that sometimes, the most profound experiences are found in the unexpected collision of two seemingly disparate worlds.  

Friday, 8 August 2025

The Mirage of Unity: Marcos, Duterte, and the Fractured Promise of Continuity

The Mirage of Unity: Marcos, Duterte, 
and the Fractured Promise of Continuity


When Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. ascended to the presidency in 2022, his first and greatest pledge to the people was not a program of reform, not a plan of reconstruction, not a break with the injustices of the past. It was a vow to freeze the past in place.

“We will resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Duterte made,
and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Duterte gave.”

This phrase was not improvised; it was a line tempered and polished in the forges of campaign calculation. It was uttered by ministers and surrogates as if it were scripture, a declaration so unambiguous that even the dullest political operative could repeat it without error.

It was, in essence, an insurance policy. For Duterte’s loyalists in the police, the military, the bureaucracy, and in Congress, it guaranteed immunity: there would be no reckoning for the dead of the drug war, no scrutiny of contracts signed in haste or in darkness, no dismantling of the machinery of coercion built over six years. For the inner circle of Duterte’s rule, it promised that the hand of the state would remain their shield.

This was the cunning of the slogan: in a country where each administration traditionally tramples the legacy of its predecessor, “continuity” was dressed up as the highest virtue. It was sold as stability — no sudden changes in foreign policy, no interruption of the so-called “war on drugs,” no pause in the cement and steel of Duterte-era infrastructure.

But in its very construction, the slogan carried its fatal flaw. It rested on the assumption that unity could be manufactured not through the people’s will, not through democratic consensus, but through the embalming of a single leader’s choices. It mistook the political corpse of the previous administration for the living body of the nation.

And history does not lie still. To attempt to halt it is to invite rupture. The Marcos camp imagined they had built a bridge to the future; in truth, they had built a dam, and behind it the waters of change were already rising.

Foreign Policy: From Apparent Inheritance
to Complete Reorientation

In the early years of his presidency, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. appeared poised to carry forward Duterte’s pro-China tilt. Yet within months, he unveiled a decisive pivot that reversed several pillars of his predecessor’s foreign policy—particularly in defense and alliance-building.
  • EDCA Expansion: Four New Bases Added
Marcos approved four new Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) sites in April 2023, supplementing the original five bases agreed in 2016. The new locations—Balabac Island (Palawan), Camp Melchor Dela Cruz (Isabela), Lal-lo Airport (Cagayan), and Naval Base Camilo Osias (Santa Ana, Cagayan)—significantly enhanced U.S. access across northern Luzon and the western flank of the Philippines.
  • Joint Military Exercises Surge
The annual Balikatan (shoulder-to-shoulder) exercises under Marcos swelled dramatically—from roughly 5,100 U.S. and 3,800 Filipino troops in 2022, to over 17,600 participants in 2023, including contingents from Japan and Australia. Moreover, Marcos elevated the total joint exercises from approximately 300 in 2022 to 500 in 2023.
  • “Full Battle Test” Drills and Missile Deployments
By April 2025, Balikatan evolved into its first “full battle test”—complete with simulated missile strikes, island-defence war games, and operations in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea. This included deploying U.S. anti-ship missiles in the Luzon Strait and integrating Japanese and Australian forces for the first time in live drills.
  • Deepening Security Agreements 
Marcos also revisited long-standing defense frameworks. In 2023, he endorsed updates to the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty, ensuring non-military provocations (e.g., attacks on Philippine Coast Guard vessels) would still trigger U.S. defense commitments. Additionally, the U.S. and the Philippines signed the General Security of Military Information Agreement, enabling secure intelligence sharing and arms cooperation—covering missile systems and satellite surveillance—highlighting the growing sophistication of their military partnership.

This reorientation marked a clear break from Duterte’s era of strategic balancing. While Duterte downplayed the 2016 arbitral ruling and favored closer ties with Beijing, Marcos:
  • Reinvigorated U.S. military presence via EDCA expansion;
  • Multiplied joint military exercises—both in scale and complexity;
  • Activated “full battle test” drills to stress-test operational readiness;
  • Enhanced intelligence-sharing frameworks and treaty protections. 
For Duterte loyalists, Marcos’s moves appeared to violate the early pledge to “uphold whatever policy decisions Duterte made.” For critics, they demonstrated that blanket “continuity” was impossible in a rapidly changing geopolitical environment.

Even in the economy,  Marcos himself had to continue vassalage towards the United States, such as recently when President Donald Trump said he and Marcos Jr. of the Philippines have reached a trade agreement: that calls for 19% tariffs on goods the US imports from the two countries, paid by American businesses, while American goods shipped there won’t be charged a tariff. But come to think- while increasing tariffs on Philippine exports from 17 to 19 percent, Marcos disingenuously foisted on the Filipino people as a “significant achievement” in bilateral relations with the country’s “strongest, closest, most reliable ally.” What does this mean? turning the Philippines into a “dumping ground” for American products, as in exchange for the one percent point reduction on the tariffs for Philippine products entering the US, while some US products that will be exported to the Philippines will have zero tariffs?

So much for that ironclad relationship that's obviously a vassalage, like how Duterte tried to the Chinese while maintaining existing agreements with the Americans. Duterte's pivot to China is all but vassalage using unequal agreements. Otherwise, his foreign policy is an apathetic one: don't interfere with domestic matters (particularly human rights, war on drugs, among others of controversial nature) and stick to economic ones even it meant unequal and compradore in character. 

The Fracture of the Covenant:
From Pact to Political Civil War?

The Marcos–Duterte alliance, hailed in 2022 as the “Unity Ticket,” was never a genuine fusion of forces. It was a temporary truce between rival warlords of the political oligarchy, each commanding their own regional base, patronage network, and loyal bureaucracy. Its sole unifying aim was victory in the presidential race and the mutual guarantee of survival afterward.

From the first day of the new administration, the seeds of rupture were already sown. Marcos, backed by the northern and Ilocano machinery, occupied the apex of the state. Sara Duterte, commanding the southern Mindanao base and the loyalty of much of the national police and key military figures, stood as the indispensable junior partner. But the logic of Philippine politics is ruthless: once the prize is secured, the allies of yesterday become the obstacles of tomorrow.

By mid-2024, the split was no longer theoretical. The spark came with Vice President Sara Duterte’s resignation from her cabinet positions, delivered under the antiseptic phrase “differences in governance priorities.” It was, in truth, a declaration of political independence—an unmistakable refusal to be bound by the President’s authority.

From there, the façade collapsed with remarkable speed:
  • Legislative paralysis — Coordination between the two camps in Congress disintegrated. Committees stalled; bills died without a vote; joint priorities vanished from the agenda.
  • Fragmented party machinery — Operatives loyal to each camp blocked the projects of the other, diverted funds, and used local offices to undermine rival initiatives.
  • Information warfare — Social media surrogates, once united in chorus, now sang dueling anthems, trading accusations of betrayal, corruption, and incompetence.
By early 2025, the “Unity Ticket” had transformed into a cold civil war within the ruling bloc. Public sniping replaced private negotiation. The once-formidable campaign machine split into two rival electoral armies, each quietly forging alliances in anticipation of the next presidential contest.

The breach, far from healing with time, deepened into a structural schism. No longer a mere clash of personalities, it became a contest between two political dynasties for control over the commanding heights of the state. Each sought to seize the organs of security, the levers of budgetary power, and the loyalty of the local government network.

By the start of 2025, local party operatives aligned with either camp actively obstructed each other’s initiatives, while national legislation became mired in partisan obstruction. Grassroots organizers complained of mixed messaging and dwindling resources, even as social media surrogates amplified the feud daily. What began as a controlled rift escalated into a sustained political cold war.

The events of 2024–2025 have proven a lesson written countless times in the history of bourgeois politics: alliances forged for office cannot withstand the strain of governance. Without a common program, without shared principles, they dissolve at the first serious test, leaving behind not unity but mutual sabotage.

Here the mirage stands exposed: what was promised to the nation as stability was nothing more than a ceasefire between oligarchic clans—a ceasefire that ended the moment one side moved to consolidate power at the expense of the other. Today, both camps are entrenched, trading jabs in public forums while the “unity” brand of 2022 survives only as a cautionary tale in Philippine politics—a reminder that expediency in alliance is purchased at the cost of eventual mistrust and open warfare.
Rights, Freedoms, and the Continuation of Old Patterns

Civil society organizations noted that in several respects, the old order had not changed at all. Reports of attacks on activists, harassment of journalists, and pressure on independent institutions persisted well into the early months of Marcos’s term, echoing the Duterte era’s hardline law-and-order ethos. For many, the atmosphere felt less like a fresh start and more like an unbroken continuum of repression.

During his campaign and in early statements as president, Marcos had said he would “uphold whatever policy decisions Duterte made,” a remark that—while intended by his team as a gesture of continuity—landed heavily with human rights advocates. To victims’ families and survivors of past abuses, it was not a reassurance but a warning: that the same culture of impunity that flourished under Duterte would remain untouched under his successor.

Advocacy groups pointed out that without accountability for extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and the intimidation of political dissenters, no amount of rhetorical unity could close the nation’s wounds. The past was not just lingering—it was being normalized. “We are being told to move on,” one rights worker said, “but the killings, the harassment, the fear—these are not things you just move on from.”

Observers also noted a subtle but significant difference in style. Unlike Duterte, whose bluntness and public tirades left no doubt about his stance, Marcos adopted a softer, more calculated tone. He downplayed the controversial legacy of his predecessor while signaling no intention of reversing it. The promise to maintain “whatever” Duterte had put in place became a political balancing act—appeasing the former president’s base while avoiding overt rhetoric that might alienate foreign allies or revive scrutiny of ongoing International Criminal Court (ICC) investigations.

That balancing act, however, did not change the underlying reality. For victims’ families, the ICC’s move to arrest and prosecute Duterte for alleged crimes against humanity was a rare glimmer of justice in an otherwise stagnant field. Yet even here, Marcos’s cautious language and deliberate avoidance of confronting the ICC matter head-on raised doubts about whether his administration would cooperate—or whether it would quietly shield Duterte under the banner of national sovereignty.

In the eyes of critics, the issue of human rights in the Philippines had not entered a new chapter at all. Rather, it was a continuation of the same script, with a different lead actor. The vocabulary was gentler, the stagecraft more polished, but the machinery of state power—the one that could be used to silence, intimidate, and erase—remained firmly in place.

And so, as the months passed, many Filipinos wondered if the country had truly moved forward, or if it was simply learning to live with an unchanging truth: that promises of unity meant little without justice, and that “whatever” policy decisions of the past could also mean “whatever” consequences for those who dared to challenge them.

Corruption, Dynasty, and the Eclipse of Governance

Let the record stand: the promise of continuity quickly proved to be a smokescreen for the preservation—not the reform—of a political order suffocated by patronage, impunity, and dynastic ambition. Beneath the fine phrases about unity lay the real meaning of “continuity” in the Philippine context: the uninterrupted rule of entrenched families, the unbroken protection of corrupt allies, and the unchallenged operation of the state’s coercive machinery.

This was not stability in the service of the people. It was stability in the service of the ruling class.
  • The Vice President on Trial — Literally 
By December 2024, the second highest office in the land was under siege. Vice President Sara Duterte faced a barrage of impeachment complaints, each more damning than the last: graft, misuse of confidential funds, betrayal of public trust, and even allegations of plotting the assassination of President Marcos Jr. What began as scattered grievances in the House of Representatives quickly gathered momentum, uniting lawmakers from Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao in a rare, if temporary, alignment of political will.

By February 2025, this wave of accusations culminated in a formal impeachment vote in the House—a remarkable moment in Philippine politics where the legislative branch moved against a sitting vice president from the ruling coalition itself.

Yet the unity against Duterte was fleeting. Once the case reached the Senate, procedural delays—framed as adherence to due process—effectively froze the proceedings. This stalling was more than a calendar game; it was a calculation. The longer the trial was delayed, the greater the opportunity for backroom negotiation, media spin, and political realignment.

In July 2025, the Supreme Court delivered the decisive intervention, declaring the impeachment complaint unconstitutional. It was a legal reprieve that did not absolve Sara Duterte of wrongdoing, but it robbed the impeachment process of its teeth. In the public eye, she emerged not exonerated, but re-energized—proof that in a dynastic system, defeat in one arena often signals a counterattack in another.
  • Rodrigo Duterte’s Arrest — and the Family’s Enduring Grip 
If the vice president’s survival was an example of elite impunity, her father’s continued influence was an even starker one. Former President Rodrigo Duterte, detained in The Hague under International Criminal Court charges for crimes against humanity, should have been politically finished. Instead, he used his detention as a political stage.

In the 2025 midterms, Duterte ran for—and won—the mayorship of Davao City from abroad. His son took the vice mayoralty, ensuring that the family’s control over their southern stronghold remained unbroken.

Nor was the Duterte network confined to Davao. In the Senate, loyalists like Christopher “Bong” Go and Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa secured top positions, proving that the dynasty’s reach extended from the jail cells of The Hague to the legislative halls of Manila. Here, “continuity” revealed itself for what it was: not a commitment to policy, but a guarantee that power, once accumulated by a family, would not be surrendered—no matter the venue, no matter the charges.
  • A Nation of Dynasties, Not a Democracy 
The 2025 elections made plain what political scientists had long warned: the Philippines remains less a representative democracy than a confederation of family fiefdoms. Of the 253 congressional districts, 216 were held by members of political dynasties. These clans rule like private kingdoms, passing seats from parent to child, sibling to sibling, cousin to cousin.

This reality makes constitutional prohibitions against dynasties not merely ineffective, but openly mocked. The ruling class sustains itself through the rotation of surnames, not the rotation of policies.

In 2024, the so-called People’s Initiative movement for constitutional change was exposed as yet another instrument of oligarchic engineering. Villagers were reportedly paid between ₱100 and ₱10,000 to sign petitions—petitions organized not by genuine grassroots advocates, but by political brokers with deep ties to both ruling camps. “Unity” here meant unity of method: whether in Marcos territory or Duterte country, the cash-for-signatures tactic was the same.
  • Budget Battles as Political Theatre 
The 2025 national budget became a battlefield not for the allocation of resources, but for the performance of power. Civil society leaders labeled it “the most corrupt in history,” condemning cuts to health and education while pork and patronage projects flourished.

One flagship initiative, the “Ayuda para sa Kapos ang Kita” (AKAP) program, was ostensibly a social assistance scheme for low-income households. In practice, critics argued, it functioned as a vote-buying mechanism—its rollouts conveniently timed with political campaigns, its beneficiaries often selected through partisan channels. Lawmakers close to Speaker Martin Romualdez were accused of weaponizing AKAP to secure loyalty in local constituencies, proving that in the patronage state, even welfare is a political weapon.
  • Structural Decay in Civic Space 
The same state that could mobilize billions for patronage aid was relentless in using its coercive apparatus against dissent. Since 2024, terrorism financing charges—often without credible basis—against civil society actors have skyrocketed from 14 to 66 cases. Human rights defenders were red-tagged; NGOs saw their bank accounts frozen.

Laws designed to combat terrorism were thus transformed into tools of political policing. In a grim irony, while the state struggled to dismantle criminal syndicates embedded in local governments, it showed ruthless efficiency in dismantling the capacity of activists and watchdog groups to operate.

Even public service delivery itself became hostage to the Marcos–Duterte feud. Political scientists warned that the distribution of cash aid and essential services was being weaponized by both camps to mobilize electoral support. In this climate, a citizen’s access to relief could depend less on need than on which faction’s colors flew in their barangay.

Under Marcos Jr., unity meant the preservation of the power structures of the past—shielding political families, shielding corrupt actors, and preserving coercive state mechanisms. It meant that dynastic immunity remained the operating principle of governance.

Yet the scandals of 2024–2025 show that continuity built on privilege is a lie. When the marionettes of “unity” begin to pull their strings in different directions, the façade collapses, and the machinery of shared domination is laid bare for all to see.

In such a system, reform is not a policy disagreement—it is an existential threat. And when unity is bought, enforced, and hereditary, the legitimacy of the state becomes a hollow echo, incapable of commanding true loyalty from the people.

The Collapse of the Continuity Myth

What began as a campaign promise of “continuity” and “unity” quickly unraveled into a political arrangement more concerned with preserving the legacy and power networks of the past than addressing the needs of the present. On paper, the incoming leadership vowed to maintain stability, honor previous achievements, and ensure a smooth transition. In practice, it became a tightrope act—appeasing entrenched allies while navigating a growing tide of public dissatisfaction.

The so-called unity project was never a cohesive vision. Instead, it was a patchwork of competing loyalties and backroom understandings, where policy direction was often dictated by what would keep fragile alliances intact. Reforms were watered down or shelved entirely if they risked upsetting key power brokers. “Continuity” became a coded assurance to the old guard: the same rules, the same privileges, the same protection from accountability.

This arrangement also demanded a peculiar kind of public messaging—carefully staged speeches, symbolic gestures, and a refusal to directly address glaring contradictions. When pressed about unresolved scandals or unmet promises, the answer was often reduced to the dismissive shrug of “whatever keeps the peace.” It was unity, but only in the shallow sense of everyone avoiding open conflict while quietly protecting their own interests.

Over time, the cost of this arrangement became clear. Economic inequities widened, corruption persisted, and the justice system remained selectively applied. The rhetoric of harmony masked a political stalemate, where decision-making was paralyzed by fear of alienating any faction of the old order.

The nation found itself trapped between two incompatible realities: the ceremonial performance of loyalty to a bygone administration, and the urgent demands of a public hungry for genuine change. By clinging to a corrupted version of unity, the administration not only risked alienating its own base—it steadily eroded the legitimacy of the state itself, undermining the very development, justice, and peace it claimed to champion.

Unity vs. Conformity

The early pledge to “unswervingly follow whatever instructions Duterte gave” presumed the political past could be simply frozen in place. Yet the messy realities of governance—volatile geopolitics, personal rivalries, mounting public discontent—made such a promise unattainable.

That collapse of the “continuity” narrative revealed a harsh lesson: unity isn’t something that can be declared or forced upon a fragmented political landscape. True unity demands accountability, tangible reforms, and inclusive politics—none of which were sufficiently embraced. What instead emerged was a veneer of unity that masked worsening institutional dysfunction and fractured public trust.
  • Midterm Election Fallout and Cabinet Reshuffle 
The May 2025 midterm elections served as a stark referendum on the administration’s unity-by-continuity strategy. Support for Marcos’s slate plunged—his allies won only half of the contested Senate seats—while Vice President Sara Duterte’s camp surged, revealing deep political polarization and weakening the president’s mandate.

In response, Marcos ordered a sweeping reset: all cabinet secretaries and heads of agencies were asked to submit courtesy resignations. This “bold reset” aimed to realign governance with public expectations but also underscored the failure of cohesion and unity as effective governance tools.
  • Outcry Over Corruption, Poverty, and Accountability
Growing frustrations over corruption and inequality also punctured the narrative of unity. Massive rallies in early 2025 called out high-profile abuses—such as Vice President Duterte’s P612 million confidential fund spending in just 11 days—highlighting popular outrage over the privileging of the few over citizens’ welfare. 
 
This matter involving the Vice President's misuse of Public Funds also brought recent calls for her impeachment by concerned legislators, that rather end "archived" by the solons who obviously wanted to junk the complaint "all in the name of rule of law" even at the expense of "accountability" and "transparency" as public servants. 

These protests illustrated that superficial unity—one that glosses over corruption—cannot withstand a public hunger for responsive and transparent governance.
  • Strained Institutions and Exclusionary Symbolism 
Recent decisions further revealed how the administration treats unity more as optics than inclusivity. Executive Order 81 reorganized the National Security Council, notably excluding Vice President Duterte and past presidents—traditional positions intended to symbolize institutional checks and balance. Critics called it a centralizing move that may deepen political rifts rather than unify. 
 
Even patriotic gestures were criticized as performative—an echo of Marcos Sr.’s Martial Law-era symbolism, rather than a unifying future-building effort. But, it's also no different from Duterte's performativism too - but sans the braggadocio Marcos jr's predecessor did during his presidential term.

Conclusion: The Shattered Formula of 'Unity' as 'Continuity'

Again, the Marcos Jr. administration began with a message that, while never officially phrased in these exact words, could be distilled into a single, unambiguous formula:

“We will resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Duterte made,
and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Duterte gave.”

This was the political shorthand of the early months — the concentrated essence of every statement, press briefing, and ceremonial handover. It was the reassurance offered to Duterte’s loyalists in the military, the police, the bureaucracy, and the provincial dynasties: there will be no reckoning, no reversal, no dismantling of what has been built.

But a formula of this kind, rooted not in a program for the people but in a pact between factions of the ruling class, contains the seeds of its own destruction. To “unswervingly follow” a predecessor’s line is possible only so long as doing so serves the ambitions of the incumbent. The moment the paths of the two dynasties diverge, the unity collapses into open rivalry — and the pledge, once repeated as political scripture, becomes a hollow memory.

The events of 2023 to 2025 have stripped away the pretence. The foreign policy reorientation toward the United States, the vice president’s resignation from cabinet posts, the impeachment battles, the budget wars, the street protests, and the entrenchment of dynasties all revealed what the “continuity” promise truly was: a temporary ceasefire between two camps, never a shared vision for the nation.

By the time the 2025 midterm elections dealt Marcos a stinging rebuke, the façade had already crumbled. Cabinet purges replaced consensus. Institutional centralization replaced power-sharing. Symbolic theatrics — anthems, pledges, slogans — replaced substantive reform. What was sold as unity had, in practice, served as a protective shell for entrenched political interests, now split into rival camps more concerned with each other’s destruction than with the country’s welfare.

This is why the distilled slogan stands today not as a testament to political stability, but as proof of the bankruptcy of unity-by-continuity. Without accountability, without dismantling the machinery of dynastic privilege, without a program that addresses the needs of the people rather than the preservation of elite networks, “continuity” can only mean the perpetuation of the past’s failures.

Thus, the early message — so simple, so confident — now reads as the epitaph of its own promise: a political mirage that, once touched by the heat of reality, dissolved to reveal the unchanging desert beneath.

In the Silence of the Senate, Avelino Speaks Still

In the Silence of the Senate, Avelino Speaks Still



José Avelino
(1890-1986)
When the Senate, by a margin too comfortable to ignore, moved to archive the impeachment case against Vice President Sara Duterte, they did not just mothball a piece of paper. They mothballed the people’s unease. They mothballed the demand for clarity. And they mothballed the one duty that a legislative chamber must never relinquish: the duty to test power, even if the power belongs to one of their own.

The press release language was neat. Due process. Jurisdiction. Ripeness of the case. These were the words they fed to the microphones.

But the people—those who have watched the fever of politics break into cold calculation—heard something else entirely: a retreat dressed in robes of decorum.

It is in moments like this that one remembers José Avelino.

Avelino, the Senate President who, in 1949, detonated the polite hypocrisies of his peers with a sentence that has survived longer than many of their careers: “What are we in power for? We are not hypocrites. Why should we pretend to be saints when in reality we are not? We are not angels. When we die, we will all go to hell. It is better to be in hell—because in that place, there are no investigations, no secretary of justice, no secretary of the interior to go after us.”

To polite society, it was a confession. To the cynics, a wink. But to those who understood the inner machinery of power, it was something rarer: the truth stripped of the perfume of self-righteousness. The words were scandalous in their candor, but they were also, in their own way, a provocation to honesty—an invitation to confront the gap between political sainthood and political reality.

In another hour of moral weight, he warned with biting irony: “We are not angels. When we die, we will all go to hell. It is better to be in hell—because in that place, there are no investigations, no secretary of justice, no secretary of the interior to go after us.”

Had Avelino lived to see this week, in this time when solons chose to archive the decision rather than wait for the courts, or even pursue as they've sworn to uphold accountability and transparency under the rule of law, he might have said something sharper: “Let there be a trial—otherwise we’re all but hypocrites who admit, ‘let’s go to hell and pretend it’s heaven.’”

But Avelino is gone, and with him the rare courage to be honest about what power is and what it is for. In another hour of moral weight, he once asked:
“Señor Presidente, ¿no es la verdad que sin hacerlos vigorosamente es traicionar y negar esencialmente nuestros deberes como sirvientes públicos? ¿Para qué está el nuestro mandato del pueblo?”

Why are we in power, if not to pursue the truth with vigor—especially when that truth is uncomfortable, especially when it implicates the powerful?

That is the marrow of representative government. And yet, this week, the Senate dodged the bone.

They did not defeat the charges; they merely declared them “unripe” and filed them away in the vault of procedural limbo. Archived, they called it.

One cannot fault the public for now speaking the tongue of clerks and lawyers. Moral clarity has grown scarce in high places. When morality fails, people cling to process—because process, at least, can be demanded in writing.

And let readers be clear: it is not sedition to ask for accountability. It is not destabilization to seek transparency. It is not political persecution to question the second-highest official in the land. It is democracy doing what it is meant to do—if only those entrusted with its tools remember how to use them.

The senators claim fidelity to the Constitution. But constitutions are not glass cases for display. They are living pacts, signed not in the ink of ceremony but in the daily transaction of trust between ruler and ruled. And this week, that trust took on water.

What is the Senate for, if not to sit in judgment—not just of law, but of conduct; not just of budget, but of principle? If it now serves only to protect the comfortable and shield the politically sacred, then it has ceased to be a Senate. It is a sanctuary.

And sanctuaries, history tells the people, are where the guilty wait for the storm to pass.

So let the record show: when the moment called for fortitude, most chose convenience.
When the nation needed clarity, it was offered delay.
When the people sought justice, they were told to wait for ripeness.

But truth does not spoil with time. It ferments. It sharpens. It returns with a smell that cannot be hidden.

And somewhere in the backbenches of memory, José Avelino still speaks—not to excuse the crookery of power, but to remind the people, the so-called "constituents", the "subjects of the law", of its naked shape. 


Thursday, 7 August 2025

The Senate Archives the Case — But Cannot Bury the Question

The Senate Archives the Case — But Cannot Bury the Question


When the Senate, by a vote of 19 in favour, opted to archive the impeachment complaint against Vice President Sara Duterte, it did not just make a legislative decision—it chose to speak to history, albeit with a muffled voice. They called it procedure, but the public heard silence. They spoke of finality, but the people smelled fear.

And in that silence, the ghost of José Avelino stirred again.

Avelino, Senate President in the fragile years of the First Republic, once faced his peers and said with frankness that shocked polite society: “What are we in power for? We are not hypocrites. Why should we pretend to be saints when in reality we are not? When Jesus Christ died on the cross, he made a distinction between good crooks and bad crooks. We can be good crooks.”

Many had laughed bitterly then. Few had the courage to agree. But nearly eighty years later, his words feel less like a scandal, and more like a mirror.

For what else can one say about a Senate that shelves—rather than settles—a challenge of national consequence? That refuses to even try the case, citing procedural uncertainties, and buries the issue behind the comforting word “archive”?

There was no ruling. No testimony. No public hearing. There was only a motion to keep things quiet.

Some senators said it was “not yet time”—that politics should wait for the court’s final word. Others appealed to “the institutions”, as if the institution they served was not precisely the one duty-bound to uphold accountability. They forgot that the Senate, as co-equal to the Supreme Court, is not a waiting room, but a chamber of judgment.

The same late Avelino, in rare candor, once rose and spoke—not with pretense, but with conscience—in the language of his generation: “Señor Presidente, ¿no es la verdad que sin hacerlos vigorosamente es traicionar y negar esencialmente nuestros deberes como sirvientes públicos? ¿Para qué está el nuestro mandato del pueblo?”

And from his words tore through the veil of parliamentary ritual, piercing the heart of the matter: What is the mandate of public office, if not the solemn duty to pursue truth with unwavering vigor?

Why, indeed, are they in power?

For sure as solons, especially those concerned would have understood this moment well, that the measure of public service is not in the comfort of one’s office, but in the courage to confront storms—even those that come from within. But the Senate did not confront this storm. It went around it. And in doing so, it has only confirmed what many citizens already suspect: that the old adage “once you're in public office, you're eaten by the system” is no longer cynical, but self-evident.

That citizens now speak in legalese is not mockery—it is necessity. That they demand accountability, even from the second highest office of the land, is not sedition—it is the exercise of democracy.

One cannot chide the people for asking questions when it is they who fund this republic with their taxes, their labor, their votes. And if the answer the Senate gives them is a shrug disguised as procedure, then do not be surprised when distrust grows deeper.

The Constitution is not a curtain to hide behind. It is a lamp to illuminate. It was meant to protect institutions by allowing them to correct themselves. But here, it was used as a veil to avoid confrontation.

They say they archived the case for the rule of law.
But what the people saw was an act done in the service of the rule of silence.

Let no one be mistaken: to archive is not to resolve. To delay is not to absolve. And to bury is not to forget.

If Avelino’s words still echo, it is because the dilemma of power remains unresolved in our time. Shall it be wielded for the comfort of the few—or for the mandate of the many?

The Senate chose the former. But history watches still.

And so do the people. 

Of Archives and Avoidance: The Senate’s Burial of Accountability

Of Archives and Avoidance: The Senate’s Burial of Accountability


The Senate may have spoken—but what it said was not justice. Not clarity. Not courage. It spoke in the language of evasion, dressed in the ceremonial robes of legality. With nineteen votes in favor, four in dissent, and one abstaining, the upper chamber voted to **archive** the articles of impeachment against Vice President Sara Duterte—a word that should haunt the nation more than it reassures.

Not “dismiss.” Not “decide.” Just… archive. A filing-away. A burial in paperwork. A shuffling of responsibility into a cabinet, far from the people who demanded answers.

And yet, who could blame the people for suddenly becoming legalistic, for parsing “rule of law” with the sharpness of a courtroom clerk? For years, they were told to respect the process, to wait for evidence, to put their faith in constitutional mechanisms. So they did. They filed. They endorsed. They stood behind due process.

But when the time came for the system to answer back, the Senate did not say, “We will try the case.” It said, “We will wait. We will obey. We will archive.”

It’s hard not to feel the coldness of that word. “Archive”—as if the gravity of betrayal of public trust, the constitutional violations alleged, were mere administrative debris to be shelved and retrieved only if convenient. The Supreme Court ruling may have prompted it, but it was not binding. The case is still under motion for reconsideration. The Court itself hasn’t closed the book. So why did the Senate slam it shut?

Perhaps because the senators have become too accustomed to **power without introspection**. They know how to stay in power. They’ve mastered the art of appearing responsible without being held responsible. But they have long since stopped asking, as Senator Avelino once did, “What are we in power for?”

And indeed, one sees in their statements—both from those who archived and those who condemned—the twisted theater of a ruling class divided not between right and wrong, but good crooks and bad crooks, each defending their positions in the language of principles, while keeping one eye on the next election.

Senate President Francis Escudero said, “Let history record that we chose the Constitution.” But history may instead record that they chose comfort.** That in the name of legality, they ducked legality’s very burden.

The Vice President called the complaint a “scrap of paper.” And now, it has been treated as such. Never mind the more than 200 lawmakers in the House who endorsed the charges. Never mind that the complaint was rooted not in rumor but in sworn documents, verified claims, and the most basic constitutional question: Was public power exercised before it was conferred by public mandate?

That’s not politics. That’s democracy’s most sacred rule. And yet, some senators would have us believe it’s all “too political.” Others say, “Let’s focus on service.” They hide behind timidity and slogans of civility, forgetting that to be a legislator is to be a judge, a jury, and a steward of the Republic. The job is not just to make laws—it is to guard the very soul of the law.

And the people know this. That is why they talk. Why they protest. Why they ask legal questions. Chide them for their tone if you must—but never forget: these are the same people who pay your salaries, who put you in that chamber, who gave you your mandate.

They are not mobs. They are the sovereign.

So what now? The articles are archived. Not dismissed. Not debated. Just frozen. A legal purgatory, as if justice could be negotiated by committee. As if accountability must wait for calendar dates and court clarifications.

This isn’t just a precedent. It’s a warning shot to every citizen:
You may file your complaint. You may follow the rules.
But when the accused holds power, the rules will be used to wait you out.

In the end, this was not just about Sara Duterte. It was about what the Senate believes its role to be. And judging from their actions, too many of them have forgotten that the Senate is not a shelter for ambition, but a court of last resort for truth. They are not simply lawmakers—they are guardians of the Republic.

If they will not stand trial when the moment demands it, if they will not even open the floor for deliberation, then what are they for?

Because power without scrutiny is impunity. And legality without accountability is just a mask for rot. The people, as always, are watching. And they will remember—not just the names of the accused, but the names of those who chose silence over scrutiny, comfort over country. They archived the complaint. But they may have just filed away their own honor.  

Enough for the Culprit to Evade: Burying the Complaint in the Name of the Law

Enough for the Culprit to Evade:
Burying the Complaint in the Name of the Law


On the night of August 6, 2025, under the dim glow of the Senate’s grandeur and the watchful eye of a nation, nineteen senators made a decision that may haunt Philippine democracy for years to come. With a vote to archive—not dismiss—the articles of impeachment against Vice President Sara Duterte, the Senate cloaked political evasion in the robes of legalism, a move both surgically calculated and morally evasive.

They called it respect for the Supreme Court. They framed it as fidelity to the Constitution. But what it truly was—at its cold, naked core—was an institutional surrender dressed up as jurisprudence.

The Supreme Court had earlier ruled that the impeachment complaint, endorsed by more than 200 members of the House of Representatives and grounded on serious allegations of betrayal of public trust and culpable violations of the Constitution, was barred by the Constitution’s one-year rule and infringed on Duterte’s right to due process. But the decision was not final—a Motion for Reconsideration had already been filed. The Court itself acknowledged the gravity of the House’s arguments by requiring the respondents, including Duterte, to reply.

Despite this pending judicial process, the Senate moved swiftly—not to seek the truth, not to uphold its constitutional duty as the sole impeachment court, but to pre-emptively entomb the complaint.

Let everyone be clear: archiving is not neutrality. It is action. It is, as Speaker Martin Romualdez warned, “in effect, to bury the Articles of Impeachment.” And buried they now are—tucked away in the archives, conveniently dormant, sealed with the collective signatures of senators who either did not want, or could not afford, to confront the political ramifications of proceeding with a full trial.

This was not respect. This was capitulation. Senate President Francis Escudero hailed this decision as a victory for the rule of law. “Let history record that in this moment, we chose the Constitution,” he proclaimed. But history may remember something else: a moment when political expediency wore the mask of legalism, when a chamber empowered to deliver justice opted instead to store it in a drawer.

But history may record something more damning: that in this moment, a Senate that once rose against dictatorship bowed to executive proximity and judicial ambiguity. That instead of fulfilling its sacred duty to act as the people’s court in times of constitutional crisis, the Senate became a chamber of clerks, deferring not to principle, but to political weather.

Let us remember that this complaint was not a whisper from the margins—it was a thunderous act by a constitutional body. Over 200 lawmakers stood behind the impeachment of the Vice President. That is not a political prank. That is the House of Representatives speaking in institutional unison, raising a red flag before the people and the Republic. What followed was an orchestrated attempt to downplay, discredit, and, ultimately, disable that act.

The August Twenty-One Movement said it best:
“In choosing to abandon their constitutional duty… the Senate has allowed the Supreme Court to interfere in a process that should belong to Congress alone… That is not how checks and balances work. That is how accountability dies.”

And die it did—not with a bang, but with a bureaucratic shrug.

The Senate could have chosen courage. It could have waited for finality from the Supreme Court. It could have asserted its constitutional primacy in impeachment proceedings. But instead, it deferred—abdicating not just responsibility, but relevance.

This moment exposed something graver than a legal misstep. It revealed the rotting underside of political self-preservation, where legal arguments are reverse-engineered to justify the avoidance of scrutiny. It is no coincidence that those who voted to archive the case include Vice President Duterte’s allies, her longtime defenders, and future election hopefuls. Their votes were not blind. They were calibrated.

Even more alarming is the rhetorical gymnastics used to dismiss legitimate scrutiny. Some senators dared to brand the House’s impeachment as “politically motivated”—as if that automatically invalidates the facts. As if politics, the lifeblood of democracy, is incompatible with constitutional duty. As if allegations of public fund misuse during a period when Duterte held no legal mandate are mere theater.

This is gaslighting on a national scale.

Rep. Benny Abante put it bluntly: “Impeachment is not a political circus. It is a constitutional mechanism designed to hold high officials accountable.”

And yet the circus went on—just not in the halls of the Senate, but in the selective outrage of those defending the decision to archive.

Even the illusion of mutual respect between the two chambers is fraying. Rep. Jude Acidre’s rebuke was pointed: “You can’t defend one branch of government by attacking another… Just because the Senate dropped the case doesn’t mean the issue disappears. Deflection is not accountability.”

Indeed, the public knows better. They see the threads of power being stitched quietly behind velvet curtains. They see how the powerful find escape hatches while ordinary citizens face the crushing weight of the law for far less. They see how public institutions, tasked with defending truth, often serve as shields for the politically untouchable.

And in that moment of clarity, they ask: If not now, then when? If not this case, then what kind of case will ever be worthy?

The Senate may argue that archiving keeps options open. Former Senate President Miguel Zubiri said, “That will never stop us from being able to pull out the document from the archives.” But that’s not reassurance. That’s a bureaucratic form of ghosting—"We’ll call you when we’re ready." And if the SC upholds its earlier ruling? Then the case never stood a chance.

This decision sets a dangerous precedent. It tells every future high-ranking official: if you’re powerful enough, the law will blink first. It encourages evasion, not introspection. It rewards silence, not accountability.

But this story is not yet over.

The House has vowed to continue the fight. A new impeachment complaint may be filed after the one-year bar lapses. The public’s verdict, too, is still being written—not only in courtrooms, but in the streets, in social media, and, soon enough, at the ballot box.

Let no one forget what happened here. Let no one confuse legalism with justice. Let no one pretend that this was a normal day in a healthy democracy.

Because on that day, the Senate did not just archive a document.
It archived the chance for the truth to speak.

And in doing so, it allowed the culprit to evade—not because the system failed, but because the guardians of the system chose not to act.

Let history judge them not by their words, but by what they buried. 

Wednesday, 6 August 2025

“Of Steam, Bass, and Dance: The Rise of Coffee Rave Culture”

“Of Steam, Bass, and Dance: 
The Rise of Coffee Rave Culture”



Coffee had always been their fuel—a bitter companion for late-night drafts, a reason to step out of the cramped apartment where distraction lurked in every corner. Poetry readings, open mics, underground gigs—that was the pulse they chased. Music and caffeine, always running side by side, but never on the same stage. A café was too tame, a bar too drowned in liquor. Where was the space for something different? 

Until now. 

Enter Coffee Rave. No posters plastered on city walls, no slick promos selling lifestyle aesthetics. Just fragments on social media—clips of strobe beams slicing through steam, sweaty hands gripping neon-lit cups, beats dropping hard enough to rattle loose tiles. It wasn’t a coffee shop. It wasn’t just a "club". It's something in between, and it looked like a place that didn’t ask for permission.

The Scene 

When they finally walked into one, it wasn’t the predictable party night most Manila regulars were used to. There were no velvet ropes, no mixologists sculpting cocktails for Instagram stories, no overpriced beer drowning the sound. What hit first was the air—thick with bass and roasted beans, sweat and steam. 

Most end to order Iced Latte or Matcha just to have a caffeine-laces day or night whilst listening to tunes whether Afrobeat, House, Technohouse, anything that’s “mix and matched” to compliment nonstop laughs and good vibes during that weekend.

Espresso machines sat near DJ booths usually went, baristas moving like turntablists, pulling shots timed to the snare. Milk frothers hissed in sync with synths, steam rising like stage fog. The crowd—half ravers, half café junkies—danced with one hand in the air, the other holding cups that never stayed full for long. 

And when the music broke for a breath, it wasn’t silence that filled the space. A poet jumped onstage and spat lines like a manifesto, words bleeding into feedback and reverb before the next drop slammed back in. 

Why It Hits Different? 

Some people still laugh it off. A "coffee rave", as others say? A gimmick? A novelty? It's easy to dismiss what you don't understand. For too long, the formula for a good night out has been a tired one: loud music, alcohol-fueled decisions, and the inevitable hangover that follows. But what if there was another way? A way to find that same pulsating energy, that same sense of community, and that same euphoric release, but with a different kind of fuel?

That's the promise of the caffeine rave, and it's far from a passing fad. This movement is a rebellion against the status quo, a testament to the idea that you don't need to dull your senses to have a good time. Instead, it's about sharpening them. Imagine a dance floor thrumming with the energy of a thousand espressos, bodies moving in sync to the pounding rhythms of EDM, industrial, or synthwave, their minds alight not with the haze of alcohol, but with the crisp, clean focus of caffeine.

This isn't about forced sobriety or a lack of fun. It's about a different kind of high. The ritual of coffee—the rich aroma, the bitter taste, the steady surge of energy—becomes the foundation of the night. It's an experience that’s both primal and cerebral. The deep, bass-heavy beats of the music fuse with the sharp jolt of an Americano, creating a synergy that keeps you on your feet for hours. Matcha provides a more sustained, meditative energy, perfect for those who want to lose themselves in the rhythm without losing their balance. Cocoa, with its mood-boosting properties, adds a layer of warm, fuzzy contentment to the mix.

For some, this is a sanctuary. For the artists, the insomniacs, the writers, and the musicians, a coffee rave is a place where creativity isn't stifled but amplified. It's a space where ideas flow as freely as the caffeine, where conversations are lucid and connections are genuine. It's a place to escape the everyday without escaping yourself. It's a city that never sleeps finally learning how to stay awake on its own terms.

So, “what do you think? Are you ready to trade your beer bucket or cocktail glass for a cold brew and iced latte?”.

A Collision of Cultures 

For centuries, coffee has been tied to creativity. Arabs brewed it while plucking the oud. Europeans drank it while debating ideas that would tear empires apart. Writers have sworn by it, painters relied on it, musicians played to it. So why not coffee and rave? And since that happened in Singapore, why not in Manila’s own scene—loud, unapologetic, caffeinated to the bone? 

Scrolling through Instagram, those overseas coffee parties looked cool, sure. Polished. Trendy. 

But this one? This one feels like it clawed its way out of the Manila asphalt, caffeinated veins pumping, ready to prove that art doesn’t have to be polite. Music, coffee, chaos—it’s the right kind of mess. 

What It Means 

For anyone who’s ever carried a glass or a mug into a rehearsal, a jam session, or a midnight writing sprint, this space feels like home. It’s not just about the drinks or the drops. It’s about a community of people who don’t need alcohol to have a good time, who want something raw, alive, and awake. 

It’s a rebellion against autopilot nightlife. Against rituals that numb rather than spark. Coffee Rave isn’t trying to replace anything—it’s just demanding its own corner of the night. 

The Last Sip 

And that’s why it works. It’s sweat and steam, poetry and distortion, caffeine and chaos swirling in one stubborn, imperfect, alive experience. 

If one wants want quiet, find a café. If one wants a blackout oblivion, there’s no shortage of bars. 

But if one wants to stay up, stay wired, and dance without losing yourself—Coffee Rave in the café is the movement one didn’t know have been waiting for. 

A Delay dressed in the language of Law?

A Delay dressed in the language of Law?


In the aftermath of the Senate’s 19–5 vote to archive the impeachment case against Vice President Sara Duterte, the term “rule of law” has been tossed around like a shield—invoked by those eager to justify what, in effect, may be the quietest burial of accountability in recent memory.

The decision, prompted by a Supreme Court ruling that halted the trial, has sparked applause from Duterte allies and criticism from opposition lawmakers, civil society advocates, and constitutional scholars. At the heart of the controversy lies a fundamental question: Did the Senate stand for judicial order—or fold under political pressure?

Framed as a procedural necessity, the move to archive—rather than dismiss—the Articles of Impeachment offers a political escape hatch. Senator Alan Peter Cayetano tried to explain it plainly: archiving means the case is “dead” but not buried, should the Supreme Court reverse course. It was a legalistic compromise that seemed, at least on paper, to preserve the Senate’s neutrality.

But for many observers, it wasn’t neutrality. It was abdication.

Senator Rodante Marcoleta initially pushed for the outright dismissal of the case, but shifted his motion to archiving—a tactical maneuver that gave his colleagues a path to dodge direct confrontation. Still, he couldn’t resist ridiculing the House’s complaint, comparing it to “undercooked rice” that the Senate need not “eat.”

His words, though cloaked in metaphor, reveal a dangerous undertone: that the Senate can claim to respect the Constitution while simultaneously dodging its duties under it. Impeachment is not a meal to be tasted, but a mechanism to be tried.

Supporters of the decision—including Senators Jinggoy Estrada, Sherwin Gatchalian, Loren Legarda, and Senate President Francis Escudero—defended the move as a principled stand for the supremacy of the Supreme Court’s ruling. They painted the vote as a triumph of order over chaos, law over partisanship.

Escudero, in particular, launched a scathing rebuke of the House of Representatives, accusing Speaker Martin Romualdez and his allies of manipulating the process to pursue political vendettas. “The Senate is not your playground,” Escudero said. “We are not an accomplice in any grand scheme.”

But critics argue that by hiding behind the technicality of archiving, the Senate has effectively killed the possibility of ever holding Duterte accountable for the P612.5 million in confidential funds flagged in the complaint—at least while this administration remains in power.

Minority senators and opposition voices weren’t convinced.

Senator Kiko Pangilinan, who voted no, was emphatic that deferring action until the High Court issued a final ruling would have demonstrated real respect for judicial authority—not this rushed, symbolic shelving. “Waiting for the final decision would have been the prudent, lawful, and respectful step,” he argued.

Senator Bam Aquino went further, warning that archiving eroded the Senate’s constitutional independence. “The Senate is a co-equal branch of government,” Aquino said. “It has the sole power to try and decide impeachment cases. Today, we surrendered that power.”

Even Senator Panfilo Lacson, who abstained, emphasized that the Supreme Court’s decision was not yet final, given the pending motion for reconsideration. For him, prematurely shelving the complaint undercut due process.

From the House, the Makabayan bloc—led by ACT Teachers Rep. Antonio Tinio and Kabataan Rep. Renee Co—condemned the archiving as an “optics game.” In their words, "If they claim to have no jurisdiction, how can they archive it?" For them, this was nothing more than political theatre—a calculated move to avoid the optics of junking the case outright, while achieving the same result.

Akbayan’s Chel Diokno echoed their frustration. He warned that archiving the case was another “nail in the coffin of accountability.” And in a sharp rejoinder to Marcoleta’s culinary analogy, former Senator Leila de Lima dismissed the idea that the complaint was “undercooked.” “It was not undercooked,” she said. “And our demand for truth and justice is not half-baked.”

The deeper concern is what this moment signals for the country’s democratic architecture. In the 1980s, the Senate stood as a vital check against creeping authoritarianism. It was the arena where truth was pursued, and power was held accountable. The impeachment trial of Joseph Estrada in 2000, which some senators referenced, was chaotic, flawed—but it happened. The process mattered.

Today, that same chamber has chosen a different path—one of caution, procedure, and retreat.

Proponents of the decision say the Senate is merely respecting the High Court. But opponents see a pattern. As more powerful figures are shielded from scrutiny through legal technicalities, the message becomes clear: if you’re high enough, the law bends. Not breaks, but bends—until it is no longer recognizable.

The Senate had the power to assert its independence. To act with prudence and principle. To say: "We will wait. We will uphold process. And we will never fear a trial." But instead, it blinked.

It chose the quiet of the archives over the storm of responsibility.

What remains is a procedural fig leaf, hiding a very public truth: that the pursuit of accountability in the Philippines is still a fragile endeavor. And that in the halls of power, silence is often mistaken for order.

The archiving of the Sara Duterte impeachment case may be constitutional. It may even be technically correct. But whether it serves justice—that’s a question history will ask again and again.

And when it does, let no one say the Senate chose accountability. Because archiving is not justice. Archiving is delay, dressed in the language of law.

The 1980s had a scenario for that kind of politics: making excuses. The more things change, the more they stay the same.