In Pursuit of Independence: Jefferson in Ideals, Hamilton in Practice:
The American Republic Between Myth and Machinery
The United States was conceived in a moment of radical imagination—yet its survival demanded hard pragmatism. Its early architects, Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton, embodied this tension. Jefferson, the dreamer of republican virtue and rural simplicity, wrote the poetry of American independence. Hamilton, the builder and economist, composed its operating manual. Together, they reflect a deeper contradiction that continues to shape American life: a nation that speaks like Jefferson but acts like Hamilton.
In the words of Jefferson, “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants.” He offered a vision of a self-governing people, vigilant and virtuous, standing against corruption and concentrated power. But Hamilton, wary of disorder, warned in The Federalist Papers that “a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidding appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government.”
Today, these two legacies still contend within the soul of the nation—complicated by modern realities far beyond what either man could foresee.
Jefferson: Liberty and the Yeoman Republic
Thomas Jefferson was not only the principal author of the Declaration of Independence but the intellectual voice of a vision that cast the American Revolution as a moral and philosophical turning point in human history. His most famous line—“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal…”—has served as both foundation and challenge for generations of Americans.
Jefferson’s ideal was a republic rooted in the independence of the yeoman farmer: the self-sustaining, landowning citizen who labored on his own soil, free from the corrupting dependencies of wage labor, government patronage, or industrial hierarchy. He envisioned a society where democracy flourished not in dense cities or through economic complexity, but in the simplicity and virtue of rural life. “Those who labor in the earth,” he wrote in Notes on the State of Virginia, “are the chosen people of God.” For Jefferson, moral strength grew in the countryside, where individuals were physically and economically free.
His political philosophy followed suit. He consistently favored limited government, decentralization, and a suspicion of centralized finance and military authority. “The natural progress of things,” he warned, “is for liberty to yield, and government to gain ground.” He feared the rise of a permanent military, entangling alliances abroad, and the expansion of public debt. “I place economy among the first and most important republican virtues,” he said, “and public debt as the greatest of the dangers to be feared.”
In a letter written in 1816 to John Taylor, Jefferson declared bluntly:
“I sincerely believe... that banking establishments are more dangerous than standing armies.”
To Jefferson, a national bank or a consolidated federal government risked turning free citizens into dependents of distant powers—recreating, in miniature, the very tyranny they had rejected in the British Crown.
This Jeffersonian ideal of republicanism became a core part of America’s self-image: a vision of liberty tied to land, virtue tied to simplicity, and democracy as the natural product of a small, decentralized society.
Yet, for all its rhetorical brilliance, Jefferson’s vision was deeply flawed and deeply selective. The liberty he championed was structurally limited—bounded by race, gender, and class.
Jefferson’s belief in freedom did not extend to the hundreds of people he enslaved at Monticello, nor to the broader Black population he believed would never be capable of coexistence with whites. In Notes on the State of Virginia, he argued that Black people were "in reason much inferior" and suggested that emancipation could only work through colonization—removal from American soil.
Moreover, Jefferson’s agrarian vision required vast lands—and those lands were taken violently from Indigenous peoples, whose displacement and cultural erasure became a precondition for Jeffersonian liberty. His advocacy for the westward expansion of yeoman farmers meant, in practice, the slow march of settler-colonialism, legitimized by the language of freedom.
Even the core idea of independence through land ownership was exclusive. In the 18th century, land was not freely available to all—it was disproportionately held by wealthy white men, often through inheritance or political privilege. The landless laborers, artisans, urban poor, and enslaved formed a massive underclass that had little space in Jefferson’s democratic vision.
Women, too, were wholly absent from his republic of virtue. Civic responsibility, public debate, and legal ownership were reserved for men. Female education and rights were seen, at best, as secondary concerns, and the domestic sphere was assumed to be women's rightful domain—beneath the reach of Jefferson’s ideals of political equality.
In practice, Jefferson’s utopia often served as a mask for entrenched hierarchies. The idealized image of the free, self-reliant farmer obscured the complex systems of exploitation—enslaved labor, Indigenous displacement, patriarchal authority—that made that freedom possible for a privileged few.
And yet, Jefferson’s words endured precisely because they were written in universal terms. His failure to embody them did not prevent others from demanding that they be taken seriously. Black abolitionists, women suffragists, labor organizers, and civil rights leaders would all quote Jefferson back to the republic: “All men are created equal.” Frederick Douglass, in his 1852 address What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?, acknowledged Jefferson’s words while condemning their hypocrisy:
“Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us?”
Thus, Jefferson’s ideals became a battleground. They were never fully realized—but they remained a standard by which America would be judged, and which later generations would struggle to universalize.
Hamilton: The Realist of Statecraft
Where Jefferson dreamed of a republic of virtue, Alexander Hamilton obsessed over a republic of durability. His vision of independence was not philosophical, but operational. For Hamilton, true sovereignty was not secured at the moment of revolution—it was secured only when the new nation had the capacity to govern, to tax, to trade, and to defend itself. He saw America’s future not in idyllic farms, but in cities, commerce, and a powerful federal government.
A child of illegitimacy and abandonment, Hamilton rose through merit, war, and brilliance. As aide-de-camp to George Washington during the Revolutionary War, Hamilton watched the Continental Army suffer from disorganization, lack of funds, and divided state allegiances. The inefficacy of the Articles of Confederation—America’s first national framework—left deep scars on his political outlook. The federal government under the Articles could neither raise a national army nor levy taxes directly; it depended on the states for money and manpower, and often received neither. To Hamilton, this wasn’t liberty. It was helplessness.
As he wrote in Federalist No. 15,
“We are a nation without a national government. We have no powers to exact obedience, or to command the resources of the country.”
“How is it possible,” he asked, “that a government half supplied, and always crippled, can fulfill its engagements either to its own citizens or to foreign nations?”
This helplessness was not theoretical. It had real consequences. The economy was fractured, American credit worthless, the military demoralized. In this chaos, Hamilton saw an existential threat: without cohesive federal institutions, the young republic would either dissolve into squabbling statelets or become economically and politically dependent on European powers.
Thus, Hamilton's life work became the building of the American state.
As the first Secretary of the Treasury under President Washington, Hamilton moved rapidly and decisively. He produced three landmark reports—on public credit, the national bank, and manufacturing—that together constituted the blueprint for American statecraft.
His First Report on Public Credit (1790) proposed the federal assumption of state debts from the Revolutionary War, arguing that the consolidation of financial obligations would bind the states together and establish federal authority. By honoring even the old, depreciated wartime bonds, Hamilton established the full faith and credit of the United States—essentially making the new government credible to investors, foreign governments, and its own citizens.
Hamilton explained:
“States, like individuals, who observe their engagements, are respected and trusted, while the reverse is the fate of those who pursue an opposite conduct.”
Next, his Report on a National Bank called for the creation of the Bank of the United States. Modeled loosely on the Bank of England, it would serve as a depository for federal funds, a source of loans for the government and private enterprises, and a tool for managing the money supply. Jefferson and Madison bitterly opposed it, arguing that such a bank was unconstitutional and would place too much power in the hands of financial elites. But Hamilton responded with his doctrine of “implied powers” under the Constitution, famously declaring:
“Every power vested in a government is in its nature sovereign, and includes, by force of the term, a right to employ all the means requisite... to the attainment of the ends of such power.”
With this argument, Hamilton not only established the legal basis for the bank but helped shape a flexible, living interpretation of the Constitution—one that endures to this day.
Finally, his Report on Manufactures (1791) proposed tariffs, subsidies, and infrastructure investments to accelerate industrialization. He believed that economic independence was inseparable from political independence.
“Not only the wealth,” he wrote, “but the independence and security of a country appear to be materially connected with the prosperity of manufactures.”
This was Hamilton’s America: not a land of isolated homesteads but a unified industrial and commercial power, capable of defending itself militarily and economically in a competitive world.
Meanwhile, Hamilton’s opponents, especially Jeffersonian Republicans, accused him of monarchism, elitism, and corruption. They saw in his plans the resurrection of British-style hierarchy and feared the loss of republican simplicity. But Hamilton was unapologetic. In Federalist No. 70, he defended executive energy and centralized control:
“A feeble Executive implies a feeble execution of the government… a government ill executed, whatever it may be in theory, must be, in practice, a bad government.”
For Hamilton, the moral righteousness of the Revolution was meaningless unless backed by a state capable of enforcing law, repelling enemies, regulating commerce, and sustaining public trust.
His ambition extended beyond policy into national identity itself. Hamilton believed in a unified American people—bound not by shared ethnicity or geography, but by law, institutions, and shared interest. As an immigrant from the Caribbean, he had no nostalgia for the Anglo-Saxon pastoral tradition. He was American by belief and by action. He envisioned a nationalism rooted in civic cohesion and industrial development, not in blood or soil.
This civic nationalism—forward-looking, institutional, and inclusive in principle—was a precursor to modern American identity. Hamilton’s United States was not to be a loose federation of agrarian utopias, but a centralized republic with the tools to act on the world stage.
More than two centuries later, Hamilton’s vision remains the foundation of American statecraft. The Federal Reserve, federal taxation, a permanent military, a national debt market, a professional civil service—all owe their origins to Hamiltonian principles. The enormous regulatory, financial, and bureaucratic infrastructure of today’s United States would have been alien to Jefferson—but not to Hamilton.
Even during crises—economic collapse, war, pandemic—the U.S. turns to Hamiltonian solutions: national mobilization, industrial coordination, fiscal stimulus, and executive action. Jefferson’s suspicion of government may animate political rhetoric, but Hamilton’s machinery still runs the republic.
To borrow the phrase of historian Michael Lind:
“We are all Hamiltonians now.”
The Myth of Main Street:
Jeffersonian Nostalgia in a Hamiltonian Nation
Even in the 21st century, the Jeffersonian ideal of a small-town, locally grounded America continues to cast a long shadow over American political culture. It lives on in campaign speeches, advertising, and popular memory—the independent farmer tilling his land, the family-run diner passed down through generations, the kindly neighborhood pharmacist mixing remedies by hand. This imagery—deeply romantic, deeply American—is invoked across the political spectrum, from conservative laments about the decline of “real America” to progressive calls to protect small businesses and local farms from corporate overreach.
This myth persists not merely as sentiment, but as a cultural identity. In a fast-moving, technocratic world, the Jeffersonian image offers something stable, rooted, and morally clear. It embodies a vision of liberty tied to place and to personal labor—where success is earned through honest work, and freedom is measured in self-reliance. Politicians from both parties tap into this nostalgia when they praise “Main Street” over “Wall Street,” and when they define America not by its skyscrapers or tech hubs, but by its heartland towns and rural values.
Yet this vision is largely a fiction in today’s economic reality. The small-scale, self-contained America of Jefferson’s imagination has long been eclipsed by a Hamiltonian reality: a complex, centralized economy driven by global finance, corporate consolidation, government contracts, and vast supply chains. The very corporations that now dominate American life—Pfizer, Johnson & Johnson, Boeing, Amazon, Google—are not scaled-up versions of apothecaries and cobblers. They are creatures of national policy, international law, and federal infrastructure. They are products of the strong, bureaucratic, industrial nation-state Hamilton envisioned.
Pfizer, for instance, does not survive on a margin of local customers; it thrives through global pharmaceutical monopolies, patent protections negotiated through international treaties, and billions in federal research funding and procurement contracts. Its vaccines and products are developed not by lone scientists in basements, but by institutions drawing on Hamiltonian systems—public-private partnerships, centralized planning, and multinational integration. Similarly, Boeing is not a humble workshop for aircraft enthusiasts—it is a de facto extension of U.S. military and diplomatic power, entwined with the Pentagon, the FAA, and international arms deals.
And yet, defenders of these institutions often cloak them in the language of Jeffersonian virtue. Critics of regulation and labor reform will speak of “freedom” and “individual initiative” while championing companies that function, in effect, as state-supported monopolies. The irony is rich: vast corporations that owe their dominance to federal contracts and state intervention are spoken of as if they were plucky mom-and-pop shops unfairly burdened by government overreach.
This rhetorical sleight of hand reflects a profound misunderstanding—or willful distortion—of both American history and American capitalism. It merges Jeffersonian aesthetics with Hamiltonian substance. It appeals to the moral purity of the small town while defending the structural dominance of global capital.
What this dissonance reveals is how deeply Jefferson’s symbolic power still grips the American psyche. Even as the machinery of the state—fiscal policy, military-industrial networks, regulatory regimes—operates on Hamiltonian principles, the political imagination lags behind. Americans speak like Jeffersonians, but live in Hamilton’s world.
This is not merely a quirk of rhetoric—it has real political consequences. Calls to “cut red tape” or “get government out of the way” often ignore the extent to which big business depends on that very government. Attempts to revive “Main Street” often fail to grapple with the structural conditions—consolidated supply chains, platform monopolies, capital markets—that make small business increasingly untenable.
Moreover, this nostalgic vision can become a tool of exclusion. By equating “real America” with a rural, white, landowning ideal, it implicitly marginalizes urban, immigrant, working-class, and multiracial communities that don’t fit the Jeffersonian mold. The phrase “real America” becomes less a tribute to small towns than a cultural boundary marker—a way to defend an imagined past against a changing present.
Reconciling the Past with the Present To move forward, the United States must confront this internal contradiction honestly. It must recognize that its economic and political systems are, and always have been, shaped by the tension between Jeffersonian values and Hamiltonian tools. The dream of self-reliance and personal freedom still resonates—but it must be reconciled with the realities of interdependence, complexity, and scale.
Hamilton understood this over two centuries ago. He knew that ideals alone could not protect a republic—that independence, to be meaningful, had to be underwritten by credit, capital, infrastructure, and institutional continuity. Jefferson’s fear was that such tools would become ends in themselves—that the state would devour the citizen. Both were right in different ways.
Today’s challenge is not to return to a lost Jeffersonian purity, nor to surrender entirely to a Hamiltonian technocracy. It is to craft a civic nationalism that preserves liberty while embracing the structures needed to sustain it—a nationalism not based on sentiment or myth, but on a sober understanding of power, policy, and responsibility.
As Hamilton wrote in Federalist No. 1, it states:
“It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country… to decide the important question: whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice.”
The answer still depends on whether Americans are willing to look beyond the myths they cherish—and reckon with the systems they live in.
From Ethnic Republic to Civic Nation
Jefferson’s vision of America—despite its universalist language—was in practice an exclusionary one. His political philosophy assumed a republic of educated, property-owning white men, ideally Anglo-Saxon in culture and Protestant in religion. “I advance it therefore as a suspicion only,” he wrote in Notes on the State of Virginia, “that the blacks... are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind.” This assumption of white superiority, shared by many of the Founding generation, shaped not only political thought but legal structures, social hierarchies, and the very limits of inclusion in the republic.
Jefferson’s America, like much of the early republic, was implicitly a white republic—even as it claimed to be a beacon of freedom. Citizenship, in law and in spirit, was narrowly defined. The civic ideal was constrained by racial and cultural boundaries. The result was a contradiction embedded at the heart of the American experiment: a nation that declared liberty while preserving slavery, that spoke of equality while excluding most of its people from political life.
And yet, this vision was never the only one available.
As an observer of American development, it is essential to recognize that the intellectual and democratic foundations of the United States were shaped not solely by European Enlightenment thinkers or Greco-Roman ideals, but also by the Indigenous peoples of North America—particularly the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy. Long before 1776, the Iroquois had developed a sophisticated model of participatory governance that emphasized federalism, deliberation, and consensus. The Great Law of Peace, the constitution of the Iroquois Confederacy, bound together multiple nations—Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and later the Tuscarora—into a union governed not by domination but mutual agreement.
This model deeply influenced early American political thinkers. Benjamin Franklin and others openly admired the structure of the Confederacy and saw in it a precedent for federal union. The Albany Plan of Union (1754), an early effort at colonial coordination, drew explicitly from the Iroquois example. While Jefferson may not have credited these Indigenous sources, they were undeniably part of the political ecosystem that shaped American federalism.
Ironically, while the Iroquois model emphasized unity across difference, the United States would go on to displace, marginalize, and nearly destroy the very peoples who offered it a framework for democracy. In the years after independence, Indigenous sovereignty was eroded, treaties were broken, and Native nations were removed from their lands—all under the auspices of a "republic" built partly upon their ideas.
This erasure parallels a larger distortion: the tendency, especially in Western political discourse, to conflate "the West" with "the white"—to reduce an expansive philosophical and civic tradition to an ethnic category. This simplification overlooks the diverse origins of the American political system, and it confuses whiteness with universality. It is this conflation that fuels a cultural nationalism rooted in blood and soil, rather than a civic nationalism grounded in principle, law, and pluralism.
In truth, the most durable and inclusive American identity is civic, not ethnic. It rests not on race, ancestry, or nostalgia for a homogeneous past, but on shared institutions and commitments. The idea that “we the people” includes everyone—regardless of color, creed, or origin—is not simply a modern imposition on a classical republic. It is the logical fulfillment of America’s own stated ideals.
And in this respect, Hamilton’s vision proves more adaptable and forward-looking than Jefferson’s. As an immigrant from the Caribbean, an illegitimate child by the standards of the day, Hamilton represented the possibility of upward mobility and civic inclusion based on talent and allegiance rather than bloodline. He imagined a nation forged by common interest, economic integration, and national identity—an identity strong enough to encompass internal diversity.
As Hamilton wrote in Federalist No. 9, citing Montesquieu:
“This form of government is a convention by which several smaller states agree to become members of a larger one... without ceasing to be distinct societies.”
In other words: a federation of difference, not a republic of sameness.
That vision—of a pluralistic, civic, and federated democracy—owes as much to Indigenous models and to Hamilton’s federalist genius as it does to Jefferson’s lyrical declarations. But to fully realize it requires rejecting the idea that to be “Western” or “American” is to be ethnically defined.
The story of the United States is not the defense of a white past. It is the construction of a civic future.
The Anationalism of Rugged Individualism: Freedom Without a Republic
Jeffersonian “rugged individualism,” often held aloft as the soul of American liberty, has come to occupy a mythical space in the national imagination. Celebrated in frontier folklore, presidential rhetoric, and capitalist ideology, it portrays the lone pioneer taming the wilderness, the self-made man triumphing without aid, the independent farmer or entrepreneur standing tall against encroaching authority. This vision of freedom is emotionally potent—but politically fraught.
What began as a romantic ideal of self-sufficiency has, over time, ossified into a kind of anationalism—an ideological rejection of collective identity, shared responsibility, and the role of the state in sustaining a functional society. It is a vision of liberty that demands rights but resists duties; that celebrates personal initiative while scorning public institutions; that values personal sovereignty but denies the interconnected systems that make that sovereignty possible.
This ethos has often served as a pretext—not for genuine independence, but for the dismantling of common institutions:
- Labor protections become “government interference.”
- Civil rights enforcement is labeled “identity politics.”
- Public health mandates are framed as tyranny.
- Environmental regulations are decried as attacks on freedom.
In this worldview, the state is always suspect, and collective action is seen not as democratic engagement, but as encroachment. Citizenship becomes a consumer identity rather than a shared project. The very idea of “public good” dissolves.
Jefferson’s ideal, originally rooted in a semi-feudal vision of the landed citizen—independent because of property and station—no longer fits the reality of modern interdependence. His dream of a republic of smallholders is an elegant illusion in an age of global supply chains, digital infrastructure, and planetary crises.
Hamilton, by contrast, offers an antidote to this unraveling. He understood that freedom, to endure, must be more than sentimental—it must be institutional. It must be scaffolded by systems that allow individuals to participate meaningfully in a complex society. Hamilton never saw the federal government as a threat to liberty; he saw it as its instrument.
In his own words from Federalist No. 1, he framed the stakes clearly:
“Whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force.”
That is, will liberty be the result of deliberate construction—or the casualty of chaos?
Hamilton’s genius was to recognize that ambition, competition, innovation, and initiative—all hallmarks of American identity—could be not only preserved by strong institutions, but channeled through them. The national bank, the assumption of public debt, the regulation of trade, and the creation of a professionalized civil service were not antithetical to liberty; they were its infrastructure.
Where Jefferson distrusted complexity, Hamilton built for it. Where Jefferson romanticized self-reliance, Hamilton acknowledged interdependence. Where Jefferson imagined a republic of isolated equals, Hamilton forged a national network—financial, political, and legal—that enabled actual participation and protection at scale.
The Dantonian Moment: When Myth Fails, Urgency Rises
There is a paradox in all this. When the Jeffersonian myth fails to deliver—when the state retreats in the name of liberty, when public systems collapse, and when inequality metastasizes—citizens do not default to quiet, pastoral virtue. Instead, they often turn Dantonian: blunt, insurgent, and insistent. The French revolutionary Georges Danton, facing the collapse of old orders, demanded not patience or reflection, but boldness:
“Audacity, more audacity, always audacity!”
(De l’audace, encore de l’audace, toujours de l’audace!)
This is what happens when people are denied meaningful power but are told they are free. The gap between promise and reality becomes intolerable. The American populist impulse, whether progressive or reactionary, tends toward this Dantonian posture: when democracy is hollowed out, the call is no longer for refinement but for upheaval.
Yet without institutions capable of absorbing, directing, and responding to this energy, upheaval often becomes incoherent—spasms rather than movements. This is where Hamilton’s architecture proves not elitist but essential. It provides the levers through which civic pressure can become policy. It translates demand into action, ambition into administration.
In the end, the idea that freedom exists in opposition to government is a dangerous illusion. A world without regulation is not a world of free equals—it is a world of unmediated power, where corporations dominate markets, private militias enforce order, and public goods decay into private privilege.
True liberty is not ornamental. It is not merely the right to be left alone. It is the freedom to act meaningfully in the world—to work safely, to vote securely, to breathe clean air, to live in dignity. And such liberty requires not only Jeffersonian aspiration, but Hamiltonian scaffolding.
This is the deeper truth of the American experiment: that ideals alone are not enough. They must be built into systems, defended by institutions, and constantly refined by democratic struggle.
Jefferson gave America its conscience. Hamilton gave it a functioning heart. And in times of crisis, when liberty is tested, it is Hamilton’s machine that keeps the republic alive.
Conclusion: A Republic Between Two Poles
The United States is a nation suspended between two poles: Jefferson’s poetic promise and Hamilton’s engineered permanence. Jefferson gave America its moral vocabulary, flawed though it was. Hamilton gave it the means to survive.
In modern times, the pursuit of independence continues—but now the struggle is to maintain it amid globalization, racial reckoning, civic fragmentation, and existential threats to democratic institutions. If America is to move forward, it must neither lose sight of Jefferson’s dream nor reject Hamilton’s reality.
In the end, the republic remains what it always was: an experiment. “The people are the ultimate, guardians of their own liberty,” Jefferson wrote. But as Hamilton knew, liberty requires more than belief—it requires structure. And perhaps, in our time, a renewed understanding of both.